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The Assad Dynasty

Under the Assads, at gatherings in Syria, politics was often the chief topic of conversation; the Middle Eastern stereotype of fervent political coffeehouse discussions applied to Syria. Politics absorbed much of the active energy of the Syrian male. Most Syrians had strong opinions about what is wrong in Damascus or in their subdistrict centers and about what should be done. Urban Syrians, whether wealthy or poor, educated or illiterate, talk of political personalities and the central government. Rural Syrians talk of local political personalities, agricultural problems, and local politics. However, public criticism of the regime was muted and circumspect. Among the tribes and in more isolated villages, political discussion existed, but primarily on the basis of relations between villagers or tribes.

Because of its authoritarian nature, the regime acted irrationally at times, which led it to lurch towards the use of violence. Despite its monopoly on power, the regime was weak. The regime had systematically destroyed any signs of political life or independent institutions, organizations, parties, or media. The naked will of the regime was the only law. The regime was completely saturated in corruption, another factor militating against its ability to institute real reforms or serve as a transitional government leading to a more open, transparent system.

The Asad regime held power longer than any other Syrian government since independence; its survival was due partly to a strong desire for stability and secularism in a region that had seen many conflicts. The expansion of the government bureaucracy has also created a large class dependent on the regime. The President's strength through early 2011 was partly due to his personal popularity among Syrians who believed he sought to bring change and reform.

Following the onset of Syria’s protests against the dictatorship, however, his strength was due more to the army leadership's continued loyalty and the effectiveness of Syria's large internal security apparatus. The leadership of both was comprised largely of members of Asad's own Alawi sect. The several main branches of the security services operate independently of each other and outside of the legal system. The primarily Alawi irregulars known as “Shabiha” have demonstrated great violence against protesters and those opposing the regime. Each continues to be responsible for human rights violations of greatly escalating levels.

The president and the Ba'ath Party suppressed political opposition. Discussion about potential political reform began after President Bashar al-Asad's July 2000 accession to the presidency. During the summer of 2000, Syria saw the emergence of the Damascus Spring (July 2000-February 2001) movement that included increased social and political debate and activities, which continued through autumn 2001 when the government cracked down on its organizers, jailing the most prominent of them.

During 2001, two independent members of parliament, Ma'mun al-Humsy and Riad Seif, who had advocated political reforms, were stripped of their parliamentary immunity and tried and convicted of charges of "attempting to illegally change the constitution." Criticism of economic policies became common in 2010 and 2011, but suggestions by the few independents that the security forces be controlled or greater voice be given to unofficial sources were met with threats.

The Government allowed independent non-NPF candidates to run for a limited allotment of seats in the 250 member People's Council. The allotment of non-NPF deputies was 83, ensuring a permanent absolute majority for the Ba'th Party dominated NPF. Elections for the 250 seats in the People's Council took place in March 2003. The election could not be characterized as free and fair because the majority of the seats in the People's Council were reserved for members of the ruling National Progressive Front, and the government approved all candidates.

In 2012, the country held parliamentary elections, and in 2014, there was a presidential poll. The 2012 vote was the first since the ruling Ba’ath Party came to power in 1972 that allowed non-Ba’athist candidates to run - a reform highlighted by the regime, which said the introduction of a multi-party contest was an historic step. In 2012 most of the 250 parliamentarians elected were Assad supporters, either Ba’ath members or of groups aligned with the ruling party. In that election the Ba'ath party and its allies won 168 seats in the 250-seat legislature. The opposition received just six seats with the remainder going to non-partisan farmers and laborers, most considered regime placemen.

The Syrian electoral commission announced 16 April 2016 that the National Unity coalition, comprising the ruling party and its allies, had won 200 of the 250 seats at the People's Assembly (Majlis al-Sha'ab). "Out of 8,834,994 eligible voters, more than five million cast their votes," commission head Hisham al-Sha'ar was quoted as saying. The figure was equal to 57.56 percent.