Chavismo
Chavez' audiences were the upper, middle, and lower classes, though the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (BRV) over time extended these to international actors and the public at large as Chavez tried to make the leap to world figure. Typical messages are "the U.S. is an evil empire," "being rich is bad," "the opposition will never return." The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (BRV) transmitted its messages via its monopoly on all state media, rank and file proselytism physical and psychological intimidation, and the unmatched oratory skills of Chavez himself. Chavez' hate-sowing rhetoric forced everything into an us-or-them binary decision, leaving a frenzied and fearful, or at best intimidated, population incapable of resolving basic conflicts.
In March 2005, President Chavez began calling for the creation of "the new socialism for the 21st century," saying that "capitalism is not a sustainable model of development." While the concept remained loosely defined, in practice, Chavez' "socialism for the 21st century" in Venezuela has involved the concentration of executive, legislative, judicial, economic, and media powers in the presidency. Chavez even condemned the "division of powers" for "weakening the state". A defining feature of Chavez' vision was a broad-based hostility to the United States as an ideological foe and hegemonic threat. He appears committed to reducing Venezuelan economic dependence on the United States by developing alternative markets, suppliers, and foreign investors - regardless of whether these alternative arrangements are economically comparable or even competitive.
President Hugo Chavez's efforts to concentrate more power in his hands and undermine the democratic opposition were met in Venezuela with more acceptance and resignation than outrage and resistance. There are numerous, credible theories to explain Venezuelans' acquiescence to an increasingly authoritarian government ranging from Chavez's charismatic leadership and popular social programs to the fear, fatigue, and ineffectiveness that prevail among government opponents. Moreover, the majority of Venezuelans, long reliant on their petro-state's largesse, appear to prioritize "social rights" and self-preservation over abstract civil liberties.
The enormous, corporatist Government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (GBRV) was for many citizens both an irreplaceable provider and exclusive source of information. Finally, Chavez has also effectively and systematically squelched any opposition to his rule either from within his ranks or from other political parties. While Chavez's popularity did not erode as he radicalized and the local economy worsened, and the Venezuelan president still appears well positioned to keep accelerating his Bolivarian revolution at the expense of remaining democratic institutions.
The charismatic Venezuelan president conveyed far more hope to voters than any of his competitors. State media outlets constantly lauded government initiatives, social programs, and "achievements of the revolution." Chavez himself regularly launched building projects, opens government cooperatives, or announces expropriations on his weekly "Alo, Presidente" radio and television talk show. While government critics rightly point out that many of the GBRV's projects are unsustainable, inefficient, or corrupt, local pollsters point out that Venezuela's poor report that they have more money in their pockets. Large numbers of Venezuelans also avail themselves of GBRV social programs, most commonly shopping at subsidized Mercal or Pdval stores, or receiving medical care courtesy of the Barrio Adentro program. "At least Chavez has given us something," is prevalent local sentiment among sectors of society long reliant on government largesse ("Papa estado").
Chavez also reaped political gains by stoking class antagonisms in stratified Venezuela. Railing against local "oligarchs," the Venezuelan president aims most of his economic "reforms" at large, and often foreign, enterprises. Although the vast majority of Venezuelan still support private property protections, there is little popular sympathy for big business in Venezuela, and as yet, little public recognition of the long-term economic effects of driving out foreign investment. Moreover, Chavez's core supporters believe that they would lose anything gained over the past decade if Chavez were to fail. Chavez has sought to reassure his base that he is not undermining their economic freedoms. One week after seizing large tracts of farmland in his native state of Barinas, Chavez distributed property titles last week to urban squatters in a televised ceremony. Local pollsters note that in this context most Venezuelans prioritize "social rights" over civil liberties. They tend to be more attracted to Chavez's promises of redistribution of wealth than alarmed by his concentration of power.
Pro-Chavez thugs, most notably the "La Piedrita" and "Alexis Vive" collectives, to engage in political violence with impunity. In a society awash in conspiracy theories, Venezuelans are inclined to believe the government is omnipotent. Moreover, the government has relied heavily on "litmus lists." Whether you signed the presidential recall referendum drive ("Tascon List") or are among the five million voters who purportedly registered with Chavez's PSUV party can determine whether or not you have access to government services, loans, scholarships, or can even obtain a passport.
Tens of thousands of people wearing the characteristic red of the Venezuelan Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) participated in the day-long pro-government march on 23 January 2010 to commemorate the 52nd anniversary of the fall of the Marcos Perez Jimenez dictatorship; many had been bused in from around the country. The peaceful, festive crowd carried banners expressing support for Chavez. Coverage by VTV, the government-controlled television channel, featured the tagline, "We Are Happiness, We Are the Majority" ("Somos Alegria, Somos Mayoria"). Chavez addressed the crowd late in the afternoon, emphasizing the need for unity in the upcoming National Assembly elections. He said, "If you are patriotic, you must be with Chavez . . . I demand absolute loyalty to my leadership because I am not me, I am the people, and the people must be respected! I must defend the people that I love."
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