Britain - 1939-1945 - Jewish War
Hitler confronted an alliance of the Soviet Union, the United States, and the British Empire. Franklin Roosevelt. Winston Churchill, and Joseph Stalin, who were identifies as the Jews’ “puppets, accomplices, stooges and servants.” With the Judeo-Bolshevik Slavs of the Soviet Union, there would be no peace other than annihilation. The population of United States was viewed as hopelessly mongrelized, with Jews, Negroes, Jazz and other such elements. The Nazi view of England was initially rather more complex, combining traditional Wilhelmine anglophilia with antipathy towards philosemitic leaders, such as Churchill. England was regardedd as a kindred Aryan nation that could become a [subserviant] ally if only the proper leaders [eg, Edward VII, Hallifax, etc] could be installed. There were pro-German people in British upper class circles.
Peace with England was not an afterthought for Hitler. He had advocated it for years. As early as his writing Mein Kampf, Hitler had maintained that Germany could only obtain her proper place in Europe through alliance with England. Hitler hoped that in British democracy the Jews would not yet have gained the upper hand, as they had in France, but rather that the "völkisch-national" forces would prevail in England as well as in Germany. For him, in all western-style democracies, a bitter struggle took place between the "destroying" forces of international Jewry and the ethnic "defense forces". The decisive question in his work "Mein Kampf" was therefore: "Can the forces of traditional British statesmanship yet break the ravaging Jewish influence or not?"
The fundamental hypothesis of Nazi racial ideology was that an international Jewish conspiracy was seeking world domination. In England, the Jews had much influence among the highest aristocracy. Lord Rosebery, one of the most influential aristocrats, was Baron Meyer Rothschild's son-in-law. The flourishing German fleet was cheeky competition for the English, who as trading seafaring people were striving for a monopoly. German participation in world politics seemed intrusive to the English, even if they was still so reserved.
During the Boer War (1899-1902), a left-wing, populist anti-Semitism attacked wealthy Jewish capitalists and financiers for having “engineered” an imperialist war to seize the gold-rich Boer lands in order to advance the sinister interests of world Jewry. The Liberal Party and the Labour movement claimed that the Boer War had been portrayed as a “Jews war” motivated by Jewish financial interests. Henry Mayers Hyndman, the first important British Marxist, attacked 'The Jews' War on the Transvaal'. He argued that the conflict amounted to a “Jews' war” fought at the behest of Jewish interests in the South African mining industry. This evoked a lengthy correspondence, with Theodore Rothstein strongly condemning 'the muddy current of anti-Semitism into which Justice has been drifting'. To critics "England spent millions and almost billions in the war; yet it was brought on by a handful of alien Jews."
Another wrote in 1912 "The notion that the English Army exists to protect English interests is crude. It exists to back the speculations of Jewish money-lenders who batten upon English poverty. A war with Germany would not be a war between Germans and English, though it would actually be fought out by them. It would be a war between money-lending German Jews and money-lending Jews in England. The Boer War was not an English war, though it cost English lives and English money. It was a Jews' war, and the English Army exists to fight such wars"
Houston Stewart Chamberlain, (1855--1927) was the racial ideologist who served as a conceptual link between older Darwinian theories of racism and Nazism. Chamberlain was born 09 September 1855, at Portsmouth, England; son of Admiral W.C.Chamberlain. He removed to Switzerland and studied science at Geneva University, and finally settled in Austria. His ideas on race began taking shape, influenced by the Teutonic supremacy embodied in the works of Richard Wagner and Arthur de Gobineau. His chief work, "Die Grundlagen des Neunzehnten Jahrhunderts" (The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century) Munich, 1899; 4th ed., 1902, depicted all history as a conflict between the Aryans and the Semites.
By the time of the Great War, Chamberlain was an Englishman only by virtue of his name and nationality, and in 1916 he acquired German citizenship. In August 1914, he wrote, “Germany’s victory will not be England’s ruin; quite the contrary, it is the only hope for England’s rescue from the total ruin in which she now stands. England’s victory will be terrible for the whole world, a catastrophe.” If his works did not form the framework of National Socialist ideology, it provided Nazi adherents with a seeming intellectual justification. Adolf Hitler visited him several times (in 1923 and in 1926). Chamberlein wrote to Hitler "That Germany, in the hour of her greatest need, brings forth a Hitler–that is proof of her vitality". [Neville Chamberlain was said to be a second cousin of Houston Stewart Chamberlain].
In the era of appeasement in the West and the non=aggression pact with the Soviet Union in the East, Hitler and the core Nazi leaders as-serted that a powerful international Jewish conspiracy was mobilizingagainst the Third Reich. It is a terrible historical irony that Nazi para-noia came into its own precisely in the late 1930s, characterized asthey were by an absence of international anti-Nazi solidarity and byJewish political weakness.
In 1935 Britain still hoped for Germany's return to the League of Nations. Prime Minister Baldwin recognized the danger of German rearmament, but still thought it possible to placate Hitler with a more differentiated policy and to tie him into multilateral treaties so that peace in Europe would be preserved. On March 7, 1936, Hitler's troops invaded the demilitarized Rhineland by surprise. A large part of the British press, pro-government, also took the view that the Germans were only returning to their own country and that this should always be legal.
The diaries of German leaders Goring and Goebbels demonstrates how determined the Germans were to annihilate England, even as they expressed the grudging respect they came to have for Churchill. Hitler had a special inner close relationship with the United Kingdom. For him the English were a people related to the Germans for racial reasons. He admired the British ability to rule a quarter of the world and even during the Second World War dreamed of a global German-British alliance. So he expressed himself, for example, on September 10, 1941: " When America lends aid to England, it is always only with a view to getting closer to the moment when one is in a position to inherit England. I won't live to see it, but I'm happy for the German people that one day they will see England and Germany unite against America. Germany and England will know what to expect from each other. And then we found the right allies. They are of unprecedented impudence, but I admire them nonetheless; we still have a lot to learn!"
Ideologically, the National Socialists oriented themselves to an emerging, but scientifically untenable, völkisch race definition. From the National Socialist point of view, Jews were regarded as members of the menacing "opposite race" and as conspirators behind both Western capitalism and Soviet communism. Nazi propaganda repeatedly described how "international Jewry" wanted to seize world domination, which was tantamount to the downfall of the German people.
Germany promoted the book "Juden regieren England (literally the Jews rule England ) by Peter Aldag (pseudonym of Fritz Peter Krüger), who denounced the Allies for starting the war and interpreting it as a struggle of "Europe" against "Anti-Europe", in addition to Hitler as a "Christian" hero. The Nazis painted Churchill not so much as a British statesmen who had concern for his fellow soldiers and countrymen but a mere proxy agent of his financier and personal friend Lord Rothschild who was never in touch with the horrors of the consequences of his actions. [Churchill was not a jew - there is no evidence available to attribute the name "Jacobson" [sic] to Churchill's mother]
Axis propaganda sought to portray Churchill, who was sympathetic to Zionist aims and had many Jewish friends, as part of a supposed Jewish conspiracy. A Nazi propaganda poster pictured Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, and Joseph Stalin, titled, "Who is to blame for war?" The poster held the three leaders guilty of beginning the war, but claimed that behind them stand the Jews.
Nazi propaganda claimed " the British side openly admits that England is the aggressor and started the war with Germany for no reason. However, this is only a partial confession of all British guilt. By inciting Poland against the Reich on behalf of the general warmonger Roosevelt, forcing France to join the British declaration of war, then driving Norway, Holland, Belgium, Greece and Yugoslavia into war, and finally joining forces with all-destroying Bolshevism, Churchill has incurred an enormous amount of guilt. Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin bear responsibility for this war before history. But behind them stands the Jew. International Jewry wanted this war in order to to realize his quest for world domination. Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin are his compliant tools. The culprit of this war, of all the hardship and suffering it has brought upon the nations, is Judaism!"
When Lloyd George wanted to include three Jewish Cabinet Ministers among the seven Liberals in his 1918 administration, Churchill wrote to the Prime Minister: “There is a point about Jews which occurs to me—you must not have too many of them. Three Jews among only seven Liberal Cabinet Ministers might I fear give rise to comment.”
Churchill's official biographer, Sir Martin Gilbert, explores the origins, implications, and results of Churchill's determined commitment to Jewish rights, opening a window on an underappreciated and heroic aspect of the brilliant politician's life and career. Churchill's commitment to Jewish rights, to Zionism, and ultimately to the State of Israel never wavered. In 1922, he established on the bedrock of international law the right of Jews to emigrate to Palestine. During his meeting with David Ben-Gurion in 1960, Churchill presented the Israeli prime minister with an article he had written about Moses, praising the patriarch. In between these events he fought harder and more effectively for the Jewish people than the world realized.
As Gilbert tells the story, Churchill had always been exposed to and befriended Jewish people. This lasted practically from the moment he was born until his death. His parents introduced him to several influential Jewish families that he retained ties with throughout his life. During his stings in the British government in both World Wars, he interacted with many of the more prolific and historical Jewish figures of the age. Other suggested that the British leader’s 'special friendship' with the Jewish people is nothing more than a myth, created by Churchill himself and his official biographer, Martin Gilbert.
Winston Churchill never spoke of the Jews in the same disrespectful terms that he sometimes applied to Negroes, to whom he would refer scornfully as ‘blackamoors’ or ‘niggers’, or to Arabs and Indians and others whom he would just as scornfully call ‘baboos’ or ‘Hottentots’. Not too much should be read into these terms: they indicate merely that he was an all too typical son of his class, generation, and background. Although naturally subject to the anti-Jewish strains that permeated western Christian civilization, there is no evidence that Churchill related to Jews on terms other than of tolerance and equality. The Balfour Declaration was the result of a wider phenomenon of British propaganda policies during World War I that were driven by mistaken conceptions of ethnicity, ethnic power and nationalism. From this vantage point, while a number of Zionist activists played a crucial role in the making of the Balfour Declaration, the end result was not the great Zionist victory that has been widely assumed. Although the Declaration came to be the basis for the British Mandate for Palestine, which made a Jewish State possible thirty years later, this was far from being the original intention of the British Government. The primary purpose of Britain's wartime support for Zionism was to secure Jewish backing for the war effort.
The consistent government line was that the rescue of Jews was not a war aim. In fact, the government maintained that the only way to rescue European Jewry was for the Allies to win the war in the shortest possible time. Britain did not want to be seen to be fighting a war on behalf of Jewry. A flood of radical anti-Semitic propaganda began in Germany in late winter 1943. The torrent continued in two intense bursts, in April through July, and in October and November. With daily orders from Hitler, the Reich Press Office issued press directives calling for printing an unprecedented amount ofanti-Semitic propaganda in the thousands of German newspapers and periodicals subject to the control of the Press Office.
At the Munich Conference that September 1938, Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain seemed to have averted war by agreeing that Germany could occupy the Sudetenland, the German-speaking part of Czechoslovakia - this became known as the Munich Agreement. In Britain, the Munich Agreement was greeted with jubilation. However, Winston Churchill, then estranged from government and one of the few to oppose appeasement of Hitler, described it as ‘an unmitigated disaster’.
In May 1940 Neville Chamberlain resigned as Prime Minister, and was replaced by Winston Churchill. Appeasement had seemed to be a way to prevent war by granting small and relatively painless concessions to satisfy the demands of Hitler while denying him the opportunity to start a war. When Hilter later broke his promise not to demand any more territory and invaded Poland, Hitler also destroyed Neville Chamberlain's career and forever tarnished the concept of appeasement policy. “Everything I have worked for,” Chamberlain told the House of Commons, “has crashed into ruins.”
In the summer of 1920, Rudolph Hess became entranced by Hitler and soon joined the party, as member number sixteen. In prison in 1924. Hitler wrote (with assistance from Rudolf Hess and others) Mein Kampf, his own tendentious Bildungsroman, a story of supposed psychological ‘awakening’ and true revelation. On 21 April 1933, he was elevated to the position of Deputy Fthrer. In Riefenstahl’s film, The Triumph of the Will [Triumph des Willens, 1935]. Hess was shown as he introduced Hitler at the 1934 Nuremberg party meeting. He was demonstrably the ‘warm up man’ and served in this sequence of the film to embody the role of the adoring underling. The film presents Hess’s own enactment of and commentary upon the need for obedience and idealization.
On 10 May 1941 Rudolf Hess, Hitler's second in command, flew to England and engaged in an attempt (planned since the previous autumn) to negotiate peace. Hess knew that Hitler needed and wanted peace with England. Hess hoped to make contact with highly placed British figures who, unlike Churchill, were willing to make peace with the Nazis on Hitler's terms. Hess believed that the Duke of Hamilton headed such a faction. Albert Speer described Hitler's reaction as “an inarticulate, almost animal out-cry” of rage. “What bothered him was that Churchill might use the incident to pretend to Germany's allies that Hitler was extending a peace feeler,” Speer wrote in Inside the Third Reich. “'Who will believe me when I say that Hess did not fly there in my name, that the whole thing is not some sort of intrigue behind the backs of my allies? Japan might even alter her policy because of this,'” he quotes Hitler. Nothing came of Hess' action, but that day may also have marked the peak of the Blitz, which soon diminished as Germany concentrated its forces against the Soviet Union. Berlin assured the world that Rudolf Hess was mad. Since that time it has come to be generally accepted that Hessls real mission was to turn Britain, to enlist Britons in a holy crusade, side by side with the Nazi host. He was soon perceived to be mentally ill and his treatment was written up by his doctors. They sought to make sense of his private, even unconscious, system of beliefs, and to analyse the subliminal attractions of Hitler.
Hess came to Britain with a complex back-story. Speculation about his mental state had existed in Nazi circles before the war – some rumours had circulated about his sexuality, or lack of sexual drive, as also about his hypochondria, preoccupation with fringe doctors and occult ideas. None of Hess’s ‘peculiarities’ were unique, of course, but the ensemble of characteristics made him something of a talking-point. The whole affair was cast in the report as both deadly serious and yet somewhat absurd, even surreal. British physicians were indeed conspicuously interested in meanings and in the symbol-filled internal world of Hess.
Work on Hess, who very soon turned from a prisoner of war and a political asset to psychiatric case, became part of a growing literature, both within and outside the Allies’ war effort, aiming to understand the ‘Nazi mind’. This elusive psychological object refers to the notion that one could ‘recover in some shape or form’ the working of the mind of those who fanatically followed Hitler as a tool for understanding the power the movement held over the German people. The Jews’ fate, Hess insisted, was brought down upon them by their own malign psychological powers – they had literally hypnotized the Germans into maltreating them. Even when he was confronted with what occurred in concentration camps, Hess insisted the guards must have been unconsciously transfixed by the Jewish inmates to act so improperly, and were thus not responsible.
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