• Military Menu                       

• Introduction
• Systems
• Facilities
• Agencies
• Industry
• Operations
• Countries
• Hot Documents
• News
• Reports
• Policy
• Budget
• Congress
• Links

• WMD
• Intelligence
• Homeland Security
• Space

Ireland - Foreign and Security Policy

Armed forces exist to apply coercion in instances of conflict. The Irish Defence Strategy could not be more diffuse, opaque, and obscure than is now the case. Ireland, as a neutral country, focuses on humanitarian assistance, supporting peacekeeping efforts, and, where it can, encouraging nuclear non-proliferation.

The Constitution of Ireland affirms Ireland’s strong commitment to the ideal of peace and friendly cooperation amongst nations founded on international justice and morality. Ireland’s foreign policy is based on this conviction. Article 29 of our Constitution sets out the principles that guide Ireland’s conduct of its international relations - the ideals of peace and friendly cooperation amongst nations, founded on international justice and morality; adherence to the principle of the pacific settlement of international disputes by international arbitration or judicial determination; and the principles of international law as our rule of conduct in our relations with other states.

Ireland seems burdened by a notion that the advance of democracy is assured, that the world advances progressively towards peaceful, democratic institutions, and that regression fromdemocratisation is unlikely. Yet that is far from evident. The raison d'être of the Irish Defence Forces is ‘to defend the State against armedaggression’. Since its foundation, this State has never experienced foreign aggression with the exception of the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombings, events that occurred coterminous with the conflict in the North of Ireland rather than from an external aggressor.

Irish national security has for many decades been defined by four characteristics: a (very) low threat national security environment; free-riding, characterised by small defence forces with very limited combat capability and extremely low defence spending; a domestic political environment that militates against those who might argue for a ‘strong defence’ approach to national security; and an approach to EU foreign, security and defence policy cooperation that can be characterised as good citizenship but cautious engagement. The 2022 Ukraine war did not initially alter these features.

Some observers suggested that studying the effectiveness of the Ukrainians in halting the Russian attempt at air superiority early on by the use of highly mobile missile launchers taking intel from relatively cheap civilian drones converted for military use would provide exemplars for improving morale and training in the small Irish Defence Forces. Lumpy Talbot suggested "Guerilla warfare suits our nature as it stems from our clannishness as a people and our art for deception learned over many centuries."

The Commission on the Defence Forces published its report on 9 February 2022. The Report by the Commission on the Defence Forces is the most comprehensive review of the DF undertaken in decades. The Commission noted that the relatively high levels of ambition for Ireland’s military capabilities, as set out in the White Paper, are not supported by the resources provided for the Defence Forces. This has led the Commission to conclude that that there is a disconnect between stated policy, resources and capabilities. There is an urgent need for clarification of the level of ambition for the roles of the Defence Forces. In the absence of such clarity, the Commission has created a framework focused around three tiers of level of ambition (LOA). These three tiers, which the Commission has used to frame the capability requirements for a 21st century Defence Forces, are not exhaustive but have proven useful to guide the Commission’s own deliberations.

1. LOA 1 current capability: Aiming to uphold sovereign rights and serving on peace support operations to the same extent as at present. LOA 1 involves striving to maintain current capabilities of the Defence Forces with appropriate replacement and routine modernisation of equipment and infrastructure. It involves continuing the commitment to a Defence Forces’ establishment of at least 13,5691. Some reforms and restructuring of the Defence Forces could be implemented within the resource limitations but the core capabilities will not keep pace with the increasingly challenging security environment, the diversification and broadening of threats and the growing complexity of the modern operating environment.
2. LOA 2 enhanced capability: Building on current capability to address specific priority gaps in the ability to deal with an assault on Irish sovereignty and to serve in higher intensity Peace Support Operations. LOA 2 involves identifying specific additional capabilities needed to address key deficiencies in capacity to undertake current and foreseeable new tasks, within the broad terms of current national defence policy.
3. LOA 3 conventional capability: Developing full spectrum defence capabilities to protect Ireland and its people to an extent comparable to similar sized countries in Europe. LOA 3 would require Ireland to develop significantly strengthened capabilities in all domains, with commensurately higher levels of defence spending – of the order of two and a half to three times overall defence spending in recent years. These significantly stronger capabilities would also allow for a deeper engagement in international peace and humanitarian missions and would deliver benefits in terms of aid to the civil power (ATCP) and aid to the civil authority (ATCA) capacity.

The Detailed Implementation Plan for the report of the Commission of the Defence Forces was released in November 2023. This plan set out an ambitious programme of work, to move to ‘Level of Ambition 2’ (LOA 2) by 2028.

Although Ireland maintains an official position of military neutrality, and is not a member of NATO, the Irish government joined NATO’s Partnership for Peace (PFP) program in 1999. Ireland has also pledged to support the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) that is mandated by the Maastricht Treaty on European Union. Ireland is a participant in the EU’s European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), and has committed a battalion to the EU’s Rapid Reaction Force. Ireland is prepared to undertake peacekeeping, humanitarian or crisis management operations with its EU partners, where there is a UN mandate. The Irish military has been a continuously active participant in UN peacekeeping operations since the mid-1950s.

As a small country in a changing world, Ireland remains firmly committed to collective approaches to international relations and security based on the primacy of the Charter of the United Nations. Key principles underlying this commitment are respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, democracy and the rule of law. Ireland seeks to pursue these core objectives in cooperation with regional and bilateral partners and through its membership of international organisations, in particular its membership of the United Nations and of the European Union.

Ireland joined the United Nations (UN) on 14 December 1955. Within the UN, Ireland has sought to promote effective international action on global issues such as disarmament, peace-keeping, human rights and development. Ireland's membership of the UN Security Council in 2001-2002 reinforced its commitment to working with the wider UN membership for international peace and security. This commitment is reflected in the continuous participation in UN peace keeping operations by Irish Defence and Police Forces since 1958. Irish personnel are currently serving in a number of UN peace support operations in the Middle East, Africa and Europe. Our commitment to the UN is also reflected in the increasing contributions Ireland is making to UN Funds and Programmes. The then Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dermot Ahern TD was asked by the UN Secretary General to be one of his Envoys for UN reform in the lead up to the UN World Summit in September 2005, which reaffirmed the Millennium Development Goals and helped to ensure that the UN is better equipped to meet today's threats and challenges. Ireland is also a strong supporter of the International Criminal Court, established by the international community through the adoption of the Rome Statute in 1998.

Ireland joined the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1973 and has participated actively in the evolution of what is now the European Union (EU). EU membership is pivotal to Government policy. It is a central framework within which the Government pursues its foreign policy objectives. Ireland’s membership of the European Union is rooted in an understanding that the Union is the cornerstone of political and economic stability in Europe.

Membership gives Irish exporters full access to the European single market, and this has contributed to Ireland’s economic success. EU involvement enables Ireland’s views and interests to be reflected in the policies of the Union which exercises considerable influence in world affairs. Ireland’s participation in world affairs enhances its capacity to pursue its traditional policy of promoting a stable, peaceful and prosperous international environment with structures based on the rule of law, respect for human rights and representative government.

Ireland’s voice in the world and the pursuit of Ireland’s foreign policy is greatly enhanced through its participation in the formulation and implementation of the European Union’s common foreign and security policy (CFSP). As a community of shared values, the EU is uniquely placed to play a role in support of international peace and stability.

In today’s globalised and increasingly interdependent world, Ireland and its EU partners work together to promote international peace and security and co-operative and mutually beneficial relations with neighbouring states and regions. Core principles that have always inspired Ireland’s foreign policy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, democracy and the rule of law, are also central to the pursuit of the CFSP. Another important element of the CFSP is the Union’s developing capabilities in the areas of conflict prevention, peacekeeping and crisis management under the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter. Ireland has played an active role in the development of the ESDP and will continue to contribute constructively to this process in accordance with our own foreign policy priorities and traditions.

The EU has played a special role in support of peace, reconstruction and reconciliation in the Western Balkans and this is a continuing priority for Ireland and the Union as a whole. Following the 2004 enlargement, relations with Russia and with the Union’s new neighbours – Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova – have become more important for the European Union, which is also developing closer relations with the Caucasus and the countries of the southern Mediterranean. In tandem with these developments, Ireland’s links to these areas are growing.

In its bilateral relations, Ireland has sought to build mutually beneficial relationships with a broad range of countries, reflecting the varied and deep connections which have been built up over many years with different parts of the world. These relationships have, in part, contributed to our recent economic progress. However, economic considerations are only one aspect of Ireland’s relations with other countries.

A particular focus has been relations with the countries of Africa, reflecting a longstanding tradition and commitment to development cooperation and to the pursuit of peace and stability, good governance and respect for human rights in Africa. We seek to achieve these goals through working with African partners, and through membership of international organisations, particularly the EU and the UN. Ireland has also sought to deepen its relations with the countries of Asia and Latin America through the developing trade, business and cultural links, and through cooperation with regional organisations and at the UN.

Ireland enjoys close links with the United States based on ties of friendship and cooperation developed through a shared history of emigration and an increasingly strong economic relationship. In the context of the wider transatlantic relationship, Ireland is committed to improving cooperation between the EU and the US and between the EU and Canada with a focus on enhancing international peace and stability.

Irish Aid is the Government of Ireland’s official programme of assistance to developing countries. The Irish Aid programme is administered by the Department of Foreign Affairs. Ireland has had an official development assistance programme since 1974. It has grown steadily over the years from modest beginnings to an estimated budget of €914 million for total official development assistance (ODA) in 2008. The Government is committed to reaching the United Nations target of spending 0.7% of GNP on ODA in 2012. Ireland’s development cooperation policy is an integral part of Ireland’s wider foreign policy. The Irish Aid programme reflects our longstanding commitment to human rights and fairness in international relations.

Ireland came upon its neutrality as a result of not wanting to enter into an alliance with the United Kingdom. But Ireland’s conflict with the United Kingdom is over. With Ireland’s economic success and political success in the EU, it has the ability to play an important role in meeting global security challenges. But that role will be limited if being neutral gets confused with being pacifist. If neutral means Ireland can’t take sides in legitimate conflicts or cannot support military engagement against its enemies or the enemies of its friends, Ireland’s role in geopolitical developments will be much more limited than it otherwise could be.

The White Paper (2000) provided the policy framework for defence for the following decade. The defence and security environment had changed appreciably over this period, particularly in the international domain, and this has required a flexible and responsive approach from the Defence Organisation. A key requirement of the policy function is to ensure that appropriate policy responses are formulated in response to changes in the defence and security environment. Defence policy, including policy responses to changes in the defence and security environment, is informed by military advice.

As part of the process of preparing a new White Paper on Defence, the Minister for Defence decided to prepare a Green Paper on Defence. The Green Paper will set out policy considerations and its publication will inform a broad consultative process which will contribute to the subsequent development of the new White Paper. Work on the Green Paper is ongoing and it was published in March 2012. This Strategy Statement set out the key strategies that were pursued by the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces over the period to 2015. The formulation and publication of a new White Paper on Defence was provided for in this Strategy Statement.

The armed conflicts fought on the island of Ireland since independence have been fought between Irishmen themselves, and between Irishmen (including Ulstermen) and the British forces and other Ulstermen. The Irish State experienced an existential crisis when elements of the ruling party sought to provide arms to Northern nationalists using unorthodox and undemocratic methods. The potential of the Troubles to destabilize the Republic was demonstrated. Given this background, the primary task of the Defence Forces is the defence of the State from the enemy within. The IRA has been crushed by the State before, especially during WW2, but is has retained its potential to remobilize. And it has a political wing based on democratic centralism as its organizing principle and a socialist republic as its objective. So the first duty of the DF is to have the capability to apply military coercion so as to crush subversion, usually in aid to the civil power. And to deter any prospect of future intra island armed conflict. Any joint force approach on behalf of the State must meet this criterion.

By December 2023 the majority in Ireland sympathize with the Palestinian civilians who were being bombed in Gaza by Israeli forces seeking to eliminate Hamas, and they also condemned the attack carried out by the movement on October 7th.. The intense bombing of Gaza, which since October 27 has been accompanied by extensive ground operations inside the Strip, had caused more than 15,000 dead by late 2023, most of them civilians, including more than six thousand children, according to the Hamas government. Since the Hamas attacks on Israel, Ireland has emerged as an “outlier” country in Europe in its position on the conflict, despite their condemnation of what Hamas did, according to a report published by the New York Times .

Ireland is considered a “deep-rooted” supporter of Palestinian civilians, which many consider a product of a shared history of British colonialism and the experience of a shocking and intractable conflict, which ended in the case of Ireland with the “Good Friday” agreement in 1998. Ireland condemned the Hamas attack, and Irish lawmakers were active in Europe to call for the protection of Palestinian civilians and condemned the scale of the Israeli response.

In early November 2023, Irish Prime Minister Leo Varadkar described Israel’s actions in Gaza as “something approaching revenge,” and told reporters during a visit to South Korea, according to statements broadcast by state radio RTE: “I firmly believe that Israel has the right to defense.” "On its own behalf, it has the right to pursue Hamas." "What I see happening right now is not just self-defense. It looks like something closer to revenge... This is not the way we should be," he added. In an opinion poll in Ireland, 71 percent of participants believed that Israel's response was "disproportionately severe" in its attack on Gaza, and about 65 percent said that "Hamas should be banned and classified as a terrorist organization."

Dublin history professor Jane Ohlmeyer told the newspaper that "Ireland's status as a former British colony has undoubtedly shaped how people in the country deal with post-colonial conflicts." She added that this "history distinguishes Ireland from a number of other countries in Western Europe, many of which were themselves colonial powers, giving it common ground with the Palestinians."

President of the Jewish Council of Ireland, Maurice Cohen, said in statements that "public sentiment in Ireland initially supported Jewish efforts to establish the State of Israel and the struggle against British rule." He pointed out that this matter is "a fact that is often ignored in modern Ireland," adding that support has shifted to the Palestinian issue amid growing criticism of the expansion of the Israeli state through settlements and the displacement of Palestinian communities.