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Guatemala - Politics

The Central American country is still struggling to recover from the U.S.-funded civil war (1960-1996), which saw more than 200,000 Guatemalans killed, most of them indigenous Mayans. The country has a 75 percent poverty rate and ranks among one of the most corrupt countries in the world.

The nation's history basically reflects the experiences of two societies , un-integrated and un-equal, the conquerors and the conquered. The nation's heritage is one of deep- seated inequity, in which the land tenure patterns and labor arrangements have been and remain among the most unequal and oppressive in Latin America. In the mid - 1980s the society remained essentially agricultural , but about 90 percent of the farms accounted for only about 16 percent of the farmland, resulting in plots too small to support a family at even a subsistence level./p>

The society continued to be characterized by cleavages that reflected class , ethnic, religious, and other determinants. Of the nation's estimated 7.6 million residents, somewhat more than one-half were identified as Indians , less than one-half ladino. There were in addition a few Black Caribs, a smaller number of Europeans, and an even smaller community of Asians. A small elite -- composed almost exclusively of ladinos and Europeans (a term that includes North Americans ) controlled great wealth , while the vast majority lived in varying degrees of poverty, which was defined by significant malnutrition , general illiteracy, and limited access to medical services. Almost all Indians lived in such conditions, as did many ladinos. The small middle class included a few Indians but consisted mostly of ladinos./p>

The key division is ethnic, between Mayan-speaking Indians and Hispanicized, Spanish- speaking ladinos. An Indian who leaves his or her community, learns and speaks Spanish , adopts Spanish dress , and abandons Indian customs will be accepted as a ladino. Another division is between Roman Catholics and Protestants . Until about the 1930s the society was preponderantly Roman Catholic, albeit interlaced with traditional beliefs among the Indians. In common with Latin American societies, however, relatively few Guatemalans joined the priesthood ; in the mid- 1970s, for example, there were only about 500 priests in the country — roughly one priest to nearly 8,900 parishioners — and about 400 were foreigners. Although the hierarchy of the church remained socially and politically conservative, the foreign priests became active in social and economic matters, particularly in the rural, mostly Indian regions. Their activities provoked the enmity and suspicion of many members of the elite, who tended to categorize the priests and other religious as leftists and Marxists. During the late 1970s and early 1980s several of the Catholic priests, brothers, and nuns were killed, and many fled or were forced to leave—the country./p>

Despite their dependence on foreign commerce, economic elites in Guatemala managed to create a closed culture, avoiding the outside world and its modern tendencies. They trusted that their control over large tracts of fertile land and the certainty of counting on seasonal farm workers, in addition to the subordinated political regime that provided them physical security and potential financial benefits -- credit, tax exonerations, and tariff protections -- were sufficient to preserve their power, peace, and well-being. The coming of modernity, therefore, was undesirable.

In her renowned investigation Lineage and Racism, Marta Casaus demonstrated how dominant family groups have preserved their power since the beginning of the Republic. The entrance of the emergent sectors during the 20th century was realized through a marriage of convenience among aristocratic families. It involved a mechanism of mutual assimilation that permitted the closure and control of the elites’ circle.

The slow transition process of Guatemala's economic elites during the second half of the 20th century in the economic realm occurred where traditional plantations lost importance and leaders of the agriculture industry lost political weight. In the political realm, the transition saw the introduction of more democratic rule and the promotion of civil liberties as a condition of international legitimacy in a market economy. In tandem but independent of this group, new fortunes have surfaced whose origin is -- as it had been with families of the traditional elite -- related to government. A third group has emerged around trade and non-traditional exports, tourism, and contraband.

The so-called “communist threat” helped to solidify the last line of defense. Guatemalan guerrilla groups, as well neighboring insurgencies, awakened a sense of selfpreservation that was placed above the squabbles and conflicting interests of economic groups that arose out of the economic diversification and narrowing social stratification during these decades; thirty years that saw appreciable and sustained economic growth, the growth of the middle class and of urban centers.

Scholars consider that the democratic process of Guatemala began in 1985 with the arrival of the Constitution of the Republic and with the first free election of a civil president. Guatemala faces asymmetrical power relations characterized by a long history of repression and political violence. The armed conflict during the second half of the 20th century had devastating consequences for a large portion of the population as well as the country's social leadership. The ongoing violence resulted in negative psychosocial effects among the population, including mistrust toward institutions and low levels of social and political participation. Although Guatemala made progress in creating spaces for social participation in public policy after signing the Peace Accords in 1996, the country still faces after-effects of the conflict.

Based on anti-communist principles that rejected the totalitarian state model, Guatemala's economic elites embraced with great ease the package of ideological principles that emerged as the winner of the Cold War: neoliberalism. But they embraced a primitive and closed version known as the Austrian School.

The traditional and emerging elites who have converted into lobbying groups -- which can be comprised of families or business alliances -- seek protectionist policies and other advantages that would provide them greater business opportunities. They do this by financing electoral campaigns in order to later have access to the highest level officials. This is also done by selecting a representative within the economic and financial ministries of the central government.

As a general rule, for example, for the past two decades of democratic rule the salaries of top-level public servants have been notably inferior to those of top executives in the private sector -- by a ratio of 1:3. The income of ministers is subsidized via bonuses known crudely as “dobletes” and paid by the business alliances. In some cases, the ministers are paid directly by the large corporations. It is not surprising, therefore, that said ministers are always available via phone, or in person, for those who are really paying their salary.

The rise of drug trafficking changed entirely the conventional parameters of corruption. Weak or nonexistent election campaign finance controls, as well as the loss of tradition and partisan loyalty, opened the doors to criminal influence in Guatemala’s new democratic government.

Common and violent crime, aggravated by a legacy of violence and vigilante justice, presents a serious challenge. Impunity remained a major problem, primarily because democratic institutions, including those responsible for the administration of justice, have developed only a limited capacity to cope with this legacy. Guatemala's judiciary is independent; however, it suffers from inefficiency, corruption, and intimidation.

There were no legal restrictions on the editorial independence of the media. Reporters covering organized crime, including its links to corrupt public officials, acknowledged practicing self-censorship, recognizing the danger investigative journalism posed to them and their families. The independent media were active and expressed a wide variety of views, but freedom of expression advocates noted that difficulty obtaining licenses to operate community radio stations and obtaining some judicial information limited press freedom.

In mid-November 2020 Hurricane Eta battered the Central American country, leaving more than 150 people dead or unaccounted for. More than 100 Indigenous villagers were buried in landslides in several regions after the storm, and subsistence crops were destroyed across vast swathes of the country. Guatemalans were increasingly dissatisfied with their government for cutting public spending when the country is still reeling from the hurricane damage. Guatemala’s Congress passed the budget bill 17 NOvember 2020, increasing lawmakers’ own stipends for meals and other expenses and cutting funding for human rights programmes and the judiciary. They also axed $25m destined to combat malnutrition, igniting nationwide outrage. A subsequent amendment that restored those funds did nothing to quell peoples’ anger.

Hundreds of people in Guatemala protesting government budget cuts set fire to the Congress building. Flames and smoke shot out of the windows for several minutes as protesters destroyed framed photographs of politicians. Riot police showed up, tear gassing the crowd, and then firefighters arrived to put out the blaze. About 7,000 people rallied in the capital Guatemala City on 21 November 2020 to call for the resignation of President Alejandro Giammattei. The protesters were angered by the funding cuts to education and medical services and the government's handling of the coronavirus outbreak. Local media reports say hundreds of demonstrators stormed and set fire to the Congress building. A video showed flames shooting out of a window.

In March 2023 campaigning began in earnest for Guatemala’s general elections, with political messaging filling the streets, local broadcasts and social media. But less than three months before the June 25 vote, concerns are mounting among national and international observers over the integrity of the process. KEEP READING list of 3 items list 1 of 3 United Nations expresses ‘concern’ over Guatemala investigations list 2 of 3 Guatemala’s former president gets 16 years for fraud, conspiracy list 3 of 3 US military donation misuse in Guatemala going unchecked: Report end of list “There is a lot of distrust in the environment around the election,” Gabriela Carrera, a political science professor at Rafael Landivar University in Guatemala City, told Al Jazeera. “This is the result of the incapacity of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal … combined with a series of arbitrary decisions that the magistrates have been taking.” At least 30 political parties are set to contest the upcoming elections, with more than 22,000 candidates registered to run for the presidency, congress, regional parliament and councils across the country. But Guatemala’s Supreme Electoral Tribunal, which governs elections, has blocked several opposition candidates from running on “dubious grounds”, according to Human Rights Watch. Observers say this raises a red flag. Campaign posters for various candidates line a street in Guatemala City Campaign material for Sammy Morales – the brother of former President Jimmy Morales, who opened the door to the dismantling of anti-corruption efforts – is posted along streets in Guatemala City on April 5 [Jeff Abbott/Al Jazeera] “The arbitrary blocking of candidates because they represent a danger to the [political] establishment is serious,” Ana Maria Mendez Dardon, the Central America director for the Washington Office on Latin America, told Al Jazeera. “It has also brought little credibility to the institutions that have to ensure the integrity of the [electoral] process.” A spokesperson for the Supreme Electoral Tribunal told Al Jazeera that the body was following constitutional norms, noting that the cases in question are complex. The blocked candidates include leftist Indigenous leader Thelma Cabrera, who earned fourth place in the 2019 presidential election, and Roberto Arzu of the right-wing Podemos party. Cabrera was blocked over an alleged issue related to a payment received by her running mate while he was ombudsperson, while Arzu was barred for allegedly campaigning ahead of the legal period. Cabrera and her supporters have protested her exclusion since February. Meanwhile, a Guatemalan prosecutor is seeking to lift the immunity of another presidential candidate, Edmond Mulet, after he called for an investigation into a judge who ordered a probe of nine journalists from El Periodico newspaper. Candidates usually have immunity from prosecution during an election campaign. Corruption allegations While the Supreme Electoral Tribunal ruled against several popular candidates, it has permitted many others with alleged ties to corruption to run for office. Play Video Video Duration 25 minutes 00 seconds 25:00 Guatemala's past unearthed: The search for the disappeared | Witness Zury Rios, the daughter of former dictator General Efrain Rios Montt and a candidate with the right-wing Valor party, is among the presidential frontrunners, according to a February CID Gallup poll. Rios, who previously served in congress from the mid-1990s to 2012, was temporarily blocked from running in 2019 because of a constitutional ban on family members of coup leaders holding the presidency. There have been a number of conflicting rulings over the years on whether such bans should be enforced. Sign up for Al Jazeera Americas Coverage Newsletter US politics, Canada’s multiculturalism, South America’s geopolitical rise—we bring you the stories that matter. E-mail address Sign up By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Her candidacy is largely supported by the Guatemalan economic and military elite, but her participation has raised concerns for the families of victims affected by state-led violence during her father’s dictatorship. Last month, activists and victims of Guatemala’s 36-year civil war, in which more than 200,000 people were killed or forcibly disappeared, marched against her candidacy and called for more transparency in elections. Other candidates running for legislative or mayoral positions stand accused of bribery, drug offences or other criminal charges, including some who have been sanctioned by the United States. “The Supreme Electoral Tribunal has accepted these candidates as a message of deep rejection of these types of sanctions,” Mendez Dardon said. “It is saying, ‘I don’t care now.’” These are the first general elections to be held since the closure of the United Nations-backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, which shut its doors following the 2019 vote, after the government opted not to renew its mandate. A poster showing the face of Rios alongside victims of her father's dictatorship A poster protesting the electoral participation of Zury Rios hangs in the historic centre of Guatemala City on April 5 [Jeff Abbott/Al Jazeera] Since then, judges, prosecutors and investigators associated with corruption or transitional justice cases related to Guatemala’s civil war have been targeted by authorities and far-right groups, with some being forced into exile in recent years. The rollback of democratic institutions since the expulsion of the commission has culminated in the upcoming elections, which analysts say are the most worrying since the country’s return to democracy in 1985 after years of military dictatorship. “We are seeing the first restricted elections since 1985,” Edie Cux, a lawyer and election observer with the independent watchdog group Mirador Electoral, told Al Jazeera. “There is a manipulation of the system, from registration, to the [practice of] purchasing votes, to the manipulation of the electoral and the justice system. These elections qualify as restricted and a step towards autocratic rule.”