Guinea - Post-Independence
The new republic's leaders had apparently not anticipated the severity of the French reaction to the declaration of independence. In fact Sékou Touré, before the date of the vote, had informally applied through the French governor of Guinea for association with the French Community under the terms contained in the constitution being put to referendum. This application was subsequently ignored by the French government, which notified the new state of its severance from the French Community immediately after the ballot.
French personnel were permitted to remain for two months to assist in the transfer of authority, but at the same time the French government let such personnel know that they would be given another post in French West Africa if they left Guinea. Only certain technical and security staff were actually directed to stay at their jobs. Moreover, the favored-nation status of Guinean exports to France was rescinded, and French government investments—under way and projected—and assistance to the Guinean budget were cut off.
The French government also refused to give de jure recognition to the Guinean government. Meanwhile, French administrative staff, military units, most teachers, and others left Guinea taking equipment with them and reportedly destroying items that had to be left behind. But Sékou Touré persisted in attempts to get French acceptance; and finally in January 1959 several agreements were signed—without, however, providing for de jure recognition—that included an exchange of diplomatic representatives, acceptance of French as the official language of Guinea, and continuance of Guinea in the French franc zone. Technical assistance and cooperation were also agreed on, but continued strained relations resulted in nonimplementation of this provision.
French failure to recognize Guinea had little influence on most independent countries outside the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Neighboring Liberia and Ghana extended recognition immediately, and similar action by the Soviet Union and other members of the Eastern European communist bloc followed rapidly. At the end of October 1958 Great Britain became the first Western state to recognize Guinea, and the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) extended recognition the next day. By late December over sixty countries, including the United States, had recognized the new state. The United States action, like that of Great Britain and West Germany, was obviously delayed, however, until consultations were held with France; in the United States case, the first American ambassador did not actually arrive in Conakry until mid-1959. In December 1958 Guinea was admitted to the United Nations.
Although the shortage of Guinean administrative personnel, emphasized by the departure of the French, was a pressing problem, the economic situation was much more serious. Imports, which regularly considerably exceeded exports, and the export trade itself had been very largely with either France or other countries of the franc zone. Deficits incurred by Guinea as a colony had been covered by France through the Franc Zone Stabilization Fund. This was no longer the case. Substantial funds had also been put into development in Guinea by the Investment Fund for the Economic and Social Development of the Territories (Fonds d'Investissement pour le Développement Economique et Social des Territoires—FIDES.) This source of aid was also cut off at independence.
For whatever reasons, little immediate financial help was forthcoming from other Western nations. Hard pressed, the Guinean government then turned to barter agreements offered by the Eastern European communist bloc. The first assistance of any significance, however, came from Ghana in the form of a loan equivalent to US$28 million extended in early 1959.
Guinea's leaders decided early that lack of financial resources could be made up to a considerable extent by so-called human investment. This involved unpaid voluntary labor utilized on a variety of projects much as it was in traditional village communal activities. Tremendous initial enthusiasm was generated through the efforts of Sékou Touré and the PDG cadres, and during the program's first year (1959) numerous real accomplishments were recorded. These continued into 1960, but then enthusiasm started to wane as planning caused problems and other difficulties arose—for example, in obtaining supplies and needed materials—and especially when local government and party officials began using work groups for their own or party aims. Ultimately many participants worked only because of threats and other pressures. The program continued to be eulogized, but after the first years its importance in economic pians was greatly deemphasized.
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