Fulani
Since the era of conquests that began in the nineteenth century, traditional Fulani society has rested on the distinction between victor and vanquished — between people who were free and those who were not. After their conquest of the northern part of the territory that later became Cameroon, a modus vivendi established itself between the victorious Muslim herders, who in time adopted semisedentary or totally sedentary ways of life, and the defeated non-Muslim cultivators, who henceforth lived in various forms of servitude.
Free men included not only all Fulani but also other Muslims like the Hausa, the Bornuans, and the Choa Arabs, from whom the Fulani had taken elements of culture and social organization. Peoples not considered free were the conquered cultivators who became either slaves or tribute-paying vassals. The distinction between those who were free and those who were not free was abolished under colonial rule, and both the constitutions of 1961 and of 1972 adhered to the principle that all Cameroonians are free and equal. Nonetheless, in early 1973, northern peoples continued to be fully conscious of their traditional place in the social hierarchy and usually acted as such and expected to be treated accordingly.
There were no less than twenty-one lamidats (Fulani territories) ranging in size from a few square miles to many thousands; each is headed by a lamido (pi., lamibe, from the Fulani word lamago, meaning to govern). The lamibe are spiritual and temporal rulers whose powers originally were limited only by the dictates of Islam and Fulani customs. They used to vie with one another to increase their power and areas of influence. In modern times they are loosely united in resentment over the encroachment of modern political institutions, but they have not forgotten their traditional hostilities.
The lamibe, moreover, have retained a fair measure of their traditional power. They still have a personal representative on the staff of the prefecture of their areas to serve as their ambassadors and intermediaries. In the north the prefect is almost always a Fulani. The lamido, who never ventures out without a large retinue, is assisted by a fada (ministerial council). Most influential among its members are the chief minister, the imam (Muslim prayer leader), and the alkali (judge). The council's prerogatives include naming a successor to the lamido, and the three principal members often agree on a choice before the full council convenes. The successor is chosen for his intelli- gence and ruling ability from among the sons, or often the younger brothers, of the lamido.
Traditionally, the entire lamidat was considered the property of all the Fulani. The lamido administered it in the interest of the collectivity, and he was supposed to leave the territory intact to his successor. No one — whether Fulani or stranger — could build a house or cultivate a new field without permission of the lamido.
In accordance with this concept, which identified the lamido with the lamidat, his servants were considered servants of the state. They included such vassal peoples as the Mboum and certain Baya and Dourou, who had submitted to the Fulani conqueror to avoid being totally defeated and enslaved. They kept their social organization, political hierarchy, and their land but had to pay tribute to the lamido. Their chiefs, nominated as always by an assembly of family heads, were appointed only with the consent of the lamido. After colonial rule was established, such chiefs were appointed by the colonial officials, who took the advice of the lamido before approving the village assembly's choice. Eventually, however, support by the colonial government helped the various vassal chiefs to free themselves more and more from their former dependency upon the lamido. But they continued to be an integral part of the lamidat and to make payments and give presents to the traditional ruler.
Other vassal peoples, such as the Kaka, the Niam-Niam, and certain Baya, lost their lands. They were resettled en bloc by the Fulani in agricultural colonies in fertile regions and had the same obligations and rights as the other vassals.
Aside from vassals there existed two other kinds of state servant. The matshube (retainers) were dignitaries who constituted the court of the lamido. Although of servile origin—usually from one of the vassal groups, they held positions of power and influence, such as treasurer or mounted bodyguard. It was a peculiar aspect of the lamido court that access to the ruler could only be had through the matshube. In fact, they had more powers than members of the fada, who asserted their position only when it came to choosing a new lamido. Under the pretext of protecting him, the matshube dignitaries kept the lamido at a distance from his people and often used their position to exploit their own ethnic brothers. The lamido, who trusted the matshube more and found them more docile than fada members, showered them with gifts to ensure their continuing loyalty. They were clad, fed, and housed out of treasury funds. The richest among them lived in big houses with their wives, concubines, and personal slaves.
The second variety of state servant did either domestic or field work. Agricultural laborers were settled in villages to cultivate the land or to look after the cattle. The proceeds of their labor were used to clothe, house, feed, and pay for marriages of all the servants. All domestic servants, which numbered 100 or more, were female. They cooked, carried water, and cleaned the buildings and courtyards; often they served as concubines. After the death of a lamido, those female slaves with whom he had had sexual relations were sent back to their families as free women. The others remained to work for the new lamido. To complete the work force, matshube dignitaries and vassal chiefs sent their daughters or sisters as gifts to the new lamido.
Lowest on the social scale of Fulani society were slaves owned personally either by individual Fulani or by matshube dignitaries. They gave their labor, either in the house or in the fields, in return for maintenance and payment of their taxes. They were genuine slaves and constituted the principal source of riches for the Fulani, who despised manual labor. They could be sold, exchanged for cattle, or given away as presents. House slaves lived relatively well as part of the family. Their masters housed and fed them, gave them women to marry, and cared for them when they were old and sick. Totally detribalized, they identified with the Fulani. Even after slavery was legally abolished in the early twentieth century, they continued to live in a symbiotic relationship with their masters, partly because of lack of economic alternatives.
Outside the traditional political system, but acknowledging the suzerainty of the lamido, are the M'Bororo, who are Fulani year-round nomads. They have their own chiefs, called ardo, who are heads of lineages and have little actual power. The M'Bororo usually do not own slaves.
Islam forbids the enslavement of true believers. Authorities suggest this as one of the reasons why the Fulani, after their conquests, did not try to propagate their faith. Another reason is said to be their pride in being not simply Muslims but Fulani Muslims—heirs to the great tradition of Othman dan Fodio — which justifies erecting a sociopolitical system entirely for their own benefit. The lamido, in whom political and religious powers are united, is not only a political chief but also the head of all true believers. He leaves only a minor role to the imam and does not tolerate competition from leaders of Muslim brotherhoods, which are not influential in northern Cameroon, in contrast to some other African countries.
|
NEWSLETTER
|
| Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list |
|
|
|
