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Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno

In the aftermath of the death of president Idriss Deby Itno, who ruled the poor Sahel country with an iron fist for three decades, his 37-year-old son has quickly emerged as the new strongman. The four-star general was not on any expert's list of potential successors. The widespread belief was that the veteran warlord and president had not been overly concerned about grooming one.

Chad’s slain leader Idriss Deby’s son took over as president in place of his father, according to a charter released on 21 April 2021 by the presidency. It said General Mahamat Idriss Deby, 37, who on Tuesday was swiftly named transitional leader as head of a military council following his father’s death, will “occupy the functions of the president of the republic” and also serve as head of the armed forces. The Transitional Military Council, made up of 13 general officers, is chaired by the Lieutenant General of the Army, MAHAMAT IDRISS DEBY . He is giving himself 18 months to lead the transition. To this end, a transitional charter will be promulgated by the President of the Transitional Military Council. Chad is hard hit but remains standing.

On 21 April 2021 said "The Transitional Military Council has no ambition to rule the country on its own. In the coming days, a government will be put in place. I would like to strongly affirm that the Transitional Military Council is not there to confiscate power. At the end of the 18-month transition period, power will be returned to a civilian government, following free and democratic elections.

"In this regard, I would like to reassure you that political life and the exercise of citizens' rights are not compromised. You will have to continue to animate political life and play your role, which is so important, in the consolidation of democracy. Obviously, we do not need to challenge your patriotic enthusiasm and your sense of responsibility because each of you knows the best attitude to adopt to further consolidate peace, cement national unity and strengthen the democratic edifice."

The younger Deby was also named “supreme head of the armed forces”. Deby’s son had overseen his father’s security as head of the elite presidential guard and had often appeared alongside him. Mahamat Deby was best known as a top commander of the Chadian forces assisting a United Nations peacekeeping mission in the restive north of neighbouring Mali. He signed a decree setting out a military council with 15 generals, including himself and 14 others known to have been part of the late president’s circle of loyalists. The council is tasked with an 18-month transition toward “free and democratic elections.” Mahamat Idriss Deby also chairs the “military transition council, the council of ministers, the councils and superior committees of national defence,” according to the charter. The new head of state will promulgate legislation adopted by the 69 members of the national transition council, who are named directly by Mahamat.

Commander in chief of the all-powerful red-bereted presidential guard or DGSSIE security service for state institutions, Deby carries the nickname “Kaka” or grandmother in Chadian Arabic, after his paternal grandmother who raised him. “The man in dark glasses”, as he is known in military circles, is said to be a discreet, quiet officer who looks after his men. A career soldier just like his father, he is from the Zaghawa ethnic group which boasts numerous top officers in an army seen as one of the finest in the troubled Sahel region. He has always been at his father’s side. He also led the DGSSIE. The army has gone for continuity in the system.

General MAHAMAT IDRISS DEBY was not unknown to Chadians. Born on the 01 January 1984, he began his fully military career at the 'GMIA' Joint Officer School. He quickly caught the eye of his superiors. He was given responsibilities from an early age. First adviser then commander in several groups of the presidential guard. The Lieutenant that he is as a school, was successively promoted to the ranks of battalion commander, lieutenant-colonel, colonel, then brigadier general before being appointed major general in 2015. A year earlier, he was appointed Director General of the Security Service of State Institutions (DGSSIE). Additional stars were added to his stripes in 2018, when he was promoted to the rank of General of the Army.

The man despite his young age, has climbed all the ranks to be one of the references of the security system of Chad. General of the Army Corps MAHAMAT IDRISS DEBY quickly stood out for his dynamism. The theaters of military operations held no secrets for him. The Adrar des Ifogas massif witnessed the bravery and temerity of this young officer who revealed himself to the world. The second in command of the Chadian Armed Forces in intervention in Mali (FATIM) that he was, displayed his military know-how.

Mahamat was acclaimed for his combat performance, notably after government forces emerged victorious in 2009 against rebels led by Deby’s nephew Timan Erdimi. Erdimi’s forces had launched a rebellion in the east and reached the gates of the presidential palace a year earlier, before being pushed back with the help of intervention by former colonial power France. Mahamat finally moved out of the shadow of his brother Abdelkerim Idriss Deby, deputy director of the presidential office, when he was appointed deputy chief of the Chadian army deployed to Mali in 2013.

Cited in the Order of the Chadian Nation with Palme d'Or, the man is reserved; a restraint that hides exceptional human qualities. His brothers in arms recognize in him a high sense of responsibility, a gifted Republican officer, a patriotic soldier who knows how to fulfill his mission whatever its scope. It is surely his qualities which weighed in the council when choosing the person able to lead the destiny of the country in this context where it faces several terrorist and security threats. Quite naturally, the choice is made on him with regard to his course of his career, his dedication to the homeland and to the Chadian Nation.

Brahim Deby, President Idriss Deby's eldest son, was a personal secretary. The polite and self-effacing manner of Deby's eldest son belied his reputation as a rabble-rouser. He has brawled with French soldiers in bar fights in N'Djamena and tangled with the law in Canada over allegedly having issued death threats. His father's move to appoint him personal secretary after his return from his studies in Ottawa in the summer of 2004 raised hackles that the President was trying to groom his son to be his successor.

President Idriss Deby reshuffled his cabinet on 07 August 2005, placing the Ministry of Defense under the Presidency. Previously, the Ministry of Defense reported to the Prime Minister. President Deby reportedly intended on making his son, Brahim Deby, the Minister of Defense. The French opposed such a move, delaying the reshuffle. The placement of the military under the Presidency was aimed at consolidating Deby's control over the military. The move enhanced the ability of Deby's son, Brahim, who served aa a Secretary in the Presidency, to call on the military for support in the event of a power struggle within the family.

By 2005 a deep rift between Idriss Deby and his half-brother Daoussa had developed over management of the Darfur crisis which includes other members of the family. Idriss Deby and his son Ibrahim were working closely with a marabou called Sheik Badradine to destroy the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and bring a Zaghawa, Mini Minawi, the current Secretary General, to the top of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM). Daoussa, General Mahamat Ali Abdullah, and Timan Deby, the President's younger brother, reportedly opposed this strategy and were trying to strengthen the movement by helping it organize itself better to overcome its leadership problems.

Brahim Déby once served as an advisor in his father's government but was sacked after a conviction for drugs and weapons possession in France. Deby's eldest son Brahim was murdered 02 July 2007 in France, buried July 4 in Ndjamena, with Qadhafi and CAR's President Bozize in attendance. On 27 July 2007, 27-year-old Brahim Déby was found dead in the car park of the block of flats where he lived in a suburb north-west of Paris. He had been attacked with a taser gun and sprayed with a fire extinguisher by four men posing as police officers. Déby’s attackers seized 50,000 euros from his pocket and searched his flat. During the trial, a number of incidents were brought to light concerning Déby's lavish lifestyle, which involved renting luxury cars and extravagent nights out.

Deby's health was a never-ending source of speculation. Some insiders say that the had been told not to drink or smoke, but continued to do so, aggravating his condition. As a result, the possibility that Deby died or was incapacitated without having adequately groomed an acceptable successor or prepared the ruling party for such an eventuality creates a power vacuum. In this scenario, the potential for violence was high, most likely among the Zaghawa themselves, but some feared that an interethnic fight could emerge. The independent media and some other observers believed that Deby's son Ibrahim was being groomed to succeed his father. However, members of the Deby family said that Ibrahim was unacceptable and would be prevented from assuming power by others.

No one seemed to have identified a player with national stature behind whom others might coalesce. By 2005 there were some indications that the political opposition, the Army, and even possibly, the French were concerned enough about this scenario that they were in the beginning stages of devising a plan to manage a transition devoid of violence. The most important internal actors remain Deby's immediate family, and the Army's leadership. External actors, such as France, the United States, and other AU leaders, would need to be ready to push together for a constitutional transition. The groundwork, however, includedg sending signals to ambitious army officers or family members will need to be started in advance.

The Constitutional succession allowed the President of the National Assembly, a southerner, to oversee elections within 45 to 90 days of the vacancy. This made many Zaghawa nervous, and indeed, it made the National Assembly President even more nervous. He reportedly feared that if Deby dies, he will be killed to make way for the National Assembly's Vice President, a northerner, to manage the transition. This scenario also invited violence between northerners and southerners as some view the NASS VP to be pushing an Islamic agenda. In addition, the decree could designate someone outside the current succession plan, creating a potential for conflict.

In a second, but less likely scenario, opposition parties and other ethnic groups are allowed to compete freely. However, whether or not they would call for prosecution of the Zaghawa for crimes committed during their tenure in power or offer amnesty could be an important factor in the level of competition allowed. The opposition must back a single candidate to have a chance of winning the election and/or the MPS must produce a strong candidate. The acceptance of this outcome by others will be critical to the transitions sustainability. Key players include the NASS President, the MPS, the Zaghawa, and the opposition. The emergence of this scenario could mean that the international community must be prepared to react quickly to bolster a positive outcome and support a free and fair electoral process should one emerge.

The Chadian military and security forces had an important, if not essential, role to play in how a transition emerges because they will likely determine the level of violence and instability that would accompany a change of power. The role of public apathy, another important factor, is difficult to measure. The level of public hatred for the Zaghawa is reportedly very high.

Under Chadian law, the speaker of parliament should have taken power after Deby’s death and not his son. What the constitution said is that in the absence of the president or in case he dies, then the speaker of the parliament takes charge of the country for 40 days and so a transition is put in place until elections are held. But on 21 April 2021 the military announced that the legislative assembly has been dissolved and that the constitution also has been dissolved, so what they are doing is that they replaced the constitution with their own set of rules.

With a mother from the Sharan Goran ethnic group, Mahamat Deby also married a Goran, Dahabaye Oumar Souny, a journalist at the presidential press service. She is the daughter of a senior official who was close to former ruler Hissene Habre, ousted by Idriss Deby in December 1990. The Zaghawa community thus look with some suspicion on Mahamat Deby, some regional experts say.

“He is far too young and not especially liked by other officers,” said Roland Marchal of the International Research Centre at Sciences Po university in Paris. “There is bound to be a night of the long knives,” Marchal predicted.