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The NPT has left out countries like India, Pakistan, Israel and Cuba. We know that Cuba is not a party because of various reasons. Israel has already signed the CTBT. So, India and Pakistan are left. I think, instead of imposing sanctions, the so called global order is to acknowledge the reality and include India and Pakistan and, if necessary, Israel also in the list of nuclear powers. The US State Department officials have said that it is a difficult enterprise. It may be difficult but the Prime Minister should call for a conference of world leaders, or a world summit to consider nuclear security for the entire world. The scenario has changed. Tomorrow Iran may explode a bomb; North Korea may explode a bomb; and it may be bombs everywhere. Therefore, for the nuclear security of the entire world, not just of this region, the Prime Minister should call for a conference or a world summit in view of the totally new situation that has arisen.

They should evolve a phased programme of elimination of all the nuclear weapons and evolve the security norms. Special Envoys may be sent to all the countries. I would request the hon. Prime Minister to consider this.

What is the question about CTBT? Several voices are heard about CTBT. The hon. Prime Minister has given a commitment to the British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair. I want to read this news item.

`The British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair conveyed what he termed the G-8's strong exception to India's nuclear tests and claimed that he - Mr. Tony Blair - had obtained an assurance from Shri Vajpayee during the telephonic conversation that New Delhi will start negotiations on the CTBT and that the G-8 countries were now awaiting delivery of commitments made by Shri Vajpayee.'

We want to know as to what is the commitment.

Regarding the CTBT, the entire House rose like one and supported it. We opposed the signing of the CTBT. Why? Because it was not comprehensive; it was discriminatory; it did not address our security concerns. There was no time-bound programme of disarmament. We objected to the signing of the CTBT for these reasons. Now, under the changed circumstances, we may consider it. This is my personal opinion. I think, the hon. Prime Minister should initiate a talk with the leaders of the Opposition and with the experts in the field. I think, nothing is out of consideration in the sense because the situation is very serious. Things have changed. If the normalcy is restored by our signing the CTBT, then, we should reconsider it. There is nothing wrong in reconsidering it. Once again, I repeat. If all our concerns are duly addressed under the changed circumstances, we can even consider signing the CTBT on the basis of a consensus, after Pakistan also signs the CTBT.

Our main and only concern is peace. I am a pessimist. Already we are spending two times more money for the military than for our education, primary health and social services. What will happen to this kind of a security race? According to Shri N.N. Jha, our Ambassador, a bomb may cost 70 million dollars per annum. It is a small amount. We can bear it but there are delivery systems, stockpiling and other things also. I think, our priorities will be derailed. There is no doubt about it.

Already the hon. Prime Minister says that the bombing, the experiment, the testing is the will of the one-sixth of the population of the world. Yes, it is very sweet to hear about it. But, what is the fact? Where are the world's poor living? World's poor are living not in the Sub-Sahara, but they are living in South Asia; they are living in India. India has a third of the world's poor. Half of them are illiterates with no access to written word; and half of them are child labourers.

India was already a great nation before May 11. It should have become even greater nation if 40 per cent of its population did not live in absolute poverty. Therefore, I would request the hon. Prime Minister to de-escalate the tension, to have some kind of a peaceful atmosphere not only in India but also in the region and in the world. The responsibility is on his shoulders because they started it. They have triggered off the race. Now, we should find a way out. We should discuss about the post-Pokhran situation; post-Pakistan test situation. Therefore, in this context, we do not know where we will lead to. They are talking about sanctions. I am also worried about sanctions. We can have bravado, but sanctions will also affect us. It may be in a small manner or it may not be as Pakistan may be suffering.

One of the genius elder Statesmen of America, Dr. Kissinger has told in the CNN interview:

`The long-term interests of both India and United Nations, the decades ahead coincide much more than they divert. The United States should keep this convergence of interests in mind.'

There are also some friends of India in America. We do not have such support in the Congress, but we should make use of it. We should try to de-escalate the tension. That is my wish. I hope the hon. Prime Minister will initiate it.

It does not mean that I am against security measures. We are second to none in giving our lives, if necessary, for the security of the nation. But at the same time, was this necessary? We are guilty of initiating a nuclear arms race, which is not only dangerous to India, not only dangerous to this region but it is dangerous to the whole world. So, in the name of humanity, I plead with the hon. Prime Minister to bring back normalcy to de-escalate the tension.

I want to finish my speech with what hon. Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu has stated in the Assembly. He said:

"There can be a debate now about the correctness and the timing of the tests but when it comes to the question of India facing danger from the rest of the world, the country will stand together transcending the political barriers."

Thank you.

(ends)

1741 hours

SHRI C. GOPAL (ARAKKONAM): Respected Chairman Sir, hon. Prime Minister has submitted to this House India's Nuclear Policy on the 13th of this month. India has conducted totally five nuclear tests successfully.

When that happened in India, what were the suggestions put forward by the politicians of our nation, particularly when this paper was placed before this House. The hon. Prime Minister clearly stated, "We do not intend to use these weapons for aggression or for mounting threats against any country. These are weapons of self-defence to ensure that India is not subjected to nuclear tests coercion. We do not intent to engage in an arms race." That was the suggestion put forward by the hon. Prime Minister.

With regard to the point raised in the papers that every person must talk about this in this House, I am also very happy on this occasion and on behalf of our leader Dr. Puratchi Thalaivi, I deem it a great pleasure and pride to put on record my deep sense of appreciation to our hon. Prime Minister in having taken the courageous decision, I say courageous decision, to conduct the nuclear tests.

Some efficient and eminent leaders from that side have said that before conducting the tests he did not consult any politician here. Sir, I would like to draw the attention of the Members of the other side that when in 1974, under the Prime Ministership of Shrimati Indira Gandhi, nuclear test was conducted, she did not consult any politician at that time also. But now, they are raising this question and they are accusing the hon. Prime Minister of not doing so, when he gets credit for all this.

I would also like to draw the attention of this House about the intention in testing nuclear tests here in this nation.

What was the opinion of the leaders of the Congress Party on the 11th and on the 13th? What is their opinion now, for the past ten days? I want to draw this knowledge before this hon. House. When the nuclear tests were conducted, what was the opinion of our scientists? Our hon. Prime Minister appreciated the scientists alone. He did not take any credit for this test. Our hon. Prime Minister magnanimously has said: "All credit goes to the scientists, to the engineers and to the persons involved in these activities. This is not for me." He has clearly said this. But some of the efficient and eminent leaders here, by way of political motivation, accused the Prime Minister and said: `No. The BJP has issued sweets. The BJP has got this intention." That is not true. The Prime Minister has clearly said to this nation that all credit goes only to the scientists, engineers and the persons involved in these activities.

What about the opinion of our scientists? Sir, the Atomic Energy Commission Chairman, Dr. R. Chidambaram has said: "The three tests conducted simultaneously did confuse international observers but that was not the intention. The multiple tests were done to save cost." This is the opinion of the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission.

Two questions were put before this House now. The first question is about the timing of these tests. Secondly, why did India go in for these tests? What about the opinion of our politicians? I will come to this point later.

The former Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, Dr. P.S. Iyengar has said: "India should be looked upon as an equal to five nuclear States of the world following Monday's three nuclear tests at Pokhran. The conducting of these tests was necessary for technological and operational reasons, the objective being to lay the foundation of India having a deployable deterrent capacity against potential threats. India had already delayed this process which had affected its security." This is the opinion of our intellectuals in India.