In our judgment, and I say this with firm conviction, China was no threat on the 18th of March, China was no threat on the 19th of March, China was no threat on the 8th of April, China was no threat on the 11th or the 13th of May. You have invented a threat in China.We understand that there are difficulties with Pakistan. But how are you going to resolve these difficulties? If you want to throw the Gujral Doctrine overboard, please do so, but substitute it by the Vajpayee Doctrine and not by the Advani Doctrine. There is a vast distinction between the Vajpayee Doctrine and the Advani Doctrine. Shri Advani, for whom I have great respect, said that the geo-political situation had changed in India's favour after the 11th of May. He has to explain that statement. What does he mean by that? Does he mean that India weaponising a nuclear device has changed the geo-political situation? Does he mean that India will use that weapon as a weapon of offence? What does your statement say ? The statement says the nuclear weapons will be used only in self defence. We asked this question to scientists. Shri Jaswant Singh was present, Shri Pramod Mahajan was present. It was unfortunate that no elected Minister was present at the meeting. I asked them as to what is this nuclear weapon as a weapon of self-defence. I can understand a tank being used as an offensive weapon or a defensive weapon. If a tank enters enemy territory, it is an offensive weapon. Or you can fall back to defend an Indian position in which case a tank becomes a weapon of defence. I can understand an aircraft being an offensive weapon or a defensive weapon. If an aircraft strikes at enemy territory this is a weapon of offence. You can fall back again and defend your own cities, defend your own targets, and it becomes a weapon of defence. But how is a nuclear bomb a weapon of self-defence? Where will you explode this nuclear bomb? If you use it as a weapon of offence, you will explode it in the enemy territory. If it is a weapon of self-defence, where will you explode it? I ask you a further question. I dare you to stand up and say Mr. Prime Minister that you will ever use this nuclear weapon.
This nuclear weapon can never be used. It was last used in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. For the last 57 years, no country in the world has dared to use this nuclear weapon. Saddam Hussein of Iraq was not frightened by the nuclear arsenal of America. Whether he was right or wrong, that is another matter but he was not frightened by America's nuclear arsenal. Vietnam, that brave little country, which fought a war for twelve years was not frightened by the United States of America. Afghanistan was not frightened by either the Russian nuclear weapon or the American nuclear weapon. Cuba, for thirty years boycotted, is not afraid of the American nuclear weapon.
Weaponisation, induction of these weapons into the Armed Forces, mounting weapons on missiles and aircraft and developing missiles to deliver them into enemy territory are very serious subjects on which I do not believe that your Government has a mandate to take a unilateral decision. On testing, we stand with you. As a demonstration of our scientific and technological capability, as a reaffirmation of our scientific skills, as an opportunity to pass on such skills and knowledge to succeeding generations of scientists, we stand with you. We hail India's scientists.
I am doubly proud that I share the name of a great scientist. I feel quite honoured about it. I think, we should record that three of the four scientists - Dr. Kakodkar, Dr. Santhanam along with Dr. Abdul Kalam and Dr. Chidambaram - belong to my State. I am doubly proud - as an Indian and as a Tamilian. But, that is where we must draw the line. Until then, we are with you. If anybody threatens you with sanctions, we are with you; if anybody threatens you with consequences, we are with you. The point of departure is: `What will you now do?' Will you go the Advani way in hot pursuit in changing the geo-political situation? Will you go the George Fernandes way and weaponise? Will you go the Murli Manohar Joshi way and mount weapons on our missiles and aircraft? What will you do? You have not told us anything. That is where we question the motives and intentions of this Government.
The Prime Minister has said that we will now be a very responsible nation, we will act with great restraint. I accept your word. Sometimes, the poet in you who wrote that famous poem against nuclear weapons finds his way into the statement that you are drafting as Prime Minister. But possessing nuclear weapons is simply inconsistent with the moral authority that India had acquired over the last thirty years to tell the world that our goal is a nuclear weapon-free world. If you seriously believe in a nuclear weapon-free world, I most humbly urge you to abjure weaponisation until there is a full and proper debate in this country and in this Parliament on the need to acquire nuclear weapons and to induct them into the Armed Forces. It is simply inconsistent - and it cuts at the root of our commitment to a nuclear weapon-free world - to acquire a whole arsenal of nuclear weapons.
I will say a word about sanctions. I am not worried about the indirect cost of economic sanctions. As a nation, we will pay any price and bear any burden to withstand those sanctions. I am concerned about the direct costs of weaponisation. I think, you have been poorly advised on the costs of weaponisation. The costs will be exponential. As you weaponise and as what you perceive are enemies acquire arms and equipment to confront your weaponisation, you will push India into an arms race and the direct consequence of weaponisation and that arms race will be simply unbearable. I caution you, Mr. Prime Minister to do a re-evaluation of the direct costs of weaponisation.
Finally, what saddens me most is that for the first time in independent India's history, India's foreign policy and nuclear policy which hitherto have enjoyed unprecedented consensus stands fractured.
For the first time, on elements of foreign policy we are divided; and for the first time on the nuclear policy we are divided. This Government has divided us by its thoughtless action and even more by thoughtless statements following that action without taking us into confidence. My fear is that from this point of time this Government can take one of the three roads. One is the road to a local, limited war. I think there are people in this Government who would actively canvass to travel down this road. The other is the road to sign the CTBT. There are statements by a number of people including the Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister that we are willing to negotiate and accept some aspects of the CTBT. I think we should have a full-scale debate on the meaning of that statement. The CTBT is not open to negotiations. It is only open to signature and 149 countries have already signed it. You can sign it up to September, 1999. It does not provide for negotiations. Who will you negotiate with? Who has offered to negotiate CTBT with you? The second road, therefore, means the road which France and China took -- do a few tests, acquire some political advantage and quietly sign the CTBT which means all the carefully constructed statements of the last five years that we will not sign the CTBT lie in a shambles.
The third road is the road to elections. Since I do not believe that you have the courage to take us to a war and since I do not believe that you have the skills to negotiate the CTBT, I am afraid you are cynically taking us to the road to elections.
MAJOR GENERAL BHUVAN CHANDRA KHANDURI, AVSM : Why are you afraid of elections?
SHRI P. CHIDAMBARAM : We are not afraid. We are only sad. ... (Interruptions)
That is your real agenda. Why did the Prime Minister declare that there was no intention of holding elections? Who asked him that question to make that answer? Obviously some of you must have posed that question to him. Obviously some of you must have planted that idea in his mind. So, he has to answer saying `No'. ... (Interruptions)
I therefore submit that this Government owes a great deal of explanation to this country; this Government owes a fuller statement to this Parliament; and this Government owes a great deal of explanation on the various statements made by various Ministers in the last fifteen or sixteen days.
While we support and hail the scientists and technologists who have demonstrated India's scientific skills, I on behalf of my party would like to place on record that we are opposed to weaponisation; we are opposed to building a nuclear arsenal; and we are opposed to taking India into an arms race. As the world enters the 21st century, as nations which were as poorer as our country twenty years ago march towards prosperity, India would have taken a perilous road and India would have incurred an unbearable cost just to satisfy the vanity of a political party which has acquired power after the elections.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Next to speak is Shri George Fernandes. Before I call him, I would like to bring to the notice of the House that at 5.30 p.m. we have to take up the Matters under Rule 377.
... (Interruptions)
SOME HON. MEMBERS: Let him conclude and then we will take up Matters under Rule 377. ... (Interruptions)
MR. CHAIRMAN: It was decided by the hon. Speaker that it would be taken up at 5.30 p.m. As many as 24 hon. Members have given notice under Rule 377. Is it the pleasure of the House to postpone it for tomorrow or should they be laid on the Table of the House today?
SOME HON. MEMBERS: No.
... (Interruptions)
MR. CHAIRMAN : Then, we will take it up tomorrow. Is it all right?
... (Interruptions)
SEVERAL HON. MEMBERS: Yes.
MR. CHAIRMAN: All right. The House has agreed to take up the Matters under Rule 377 tomorrow.
Now, Shri George Fernandes.
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1995-96 ¨ÉäÆ ¶É®únù ÊnùPÉä <ºÉEòä SÉäªÉ®ú¨ÉèxÉ lÉä +Éè®ú +¨É±É nùiiÉÉ, ½þxxÉÉxÉ ¨ÉÉä±±Éɽþ +Éè®ú <xpùVÉÒiÉ MÉÖ{iÉ ºÉnùºªÉ lÉä* <ºÉ Ê®ú{ÉÉä]õÇ EòÉä nùäJÉÉ VÉÉB EªÉÉäÆÊEò ´É½þ {ÉgøxÉä ±ÉɪÉEò ½þè* SÉÚÆÊEò ¨ÉèÆ <ºÉ ¤É½þºÉ EòÉä ªÉ½þÒÆ iÉEò ºÉÒʨÉiÉ ®úJÉ ®ú½þÉ ½þÚÆ* ºÉÉiÉ´ÉÒÆ Ê®ú{ÉÉä]õÇ EòÉ xÉÉè +Éè®ú nùºÉ xɨ¤É®ú EòÉ {ÉxxÉÉ nùäJÉÉ VÉÉB* xÉÉè´ÉäÆ xɨ¤É®ú EòÉ +ÆÊiÉ¨É {Éè®úÉOÉÉ¡ò ¶ÉÖ¯û ½þÉäiÉÉ ½þè +Éè®ú nùºÉ {É®ú ºÉ¨ÉÉ{iÉ ½þÉä VÉÉiÉÉ ½þè* +É`ö´ÉÒÆ Ê®ú{ÉÉä]õÇ EòÉ SÉÉ®ú +Éè®ú MªÉÉ®ú½þ xɨ¤É®ú EòÉ {ÉxxÉÉ {ÉgøÉ VÉÉB* <ºÉÒ ºÉnùxÉ xÉä, <ºÉÒ ±ÉÉäEò ºÉ¦ÉÉ xÉä º]õèÊb÷ÆMÉ Eò¨Éä]õÒ Eòä VÉÊ®úB ºÉÉ®úä nùä¶É EòÉä +ÉMÉɽþ ÊEòªÉÉ* =ºÉxÉä ºÉÉ®úä nùä¶É EòÉä +ÉMÉɽþ ÊEòªÉÉ ÊEò EªÉÉ SÉÖxÉÉèÊiɪÉÉÆ ½þèÆ, EªÉÉ ½þÉäxÉÉ SÉÉʽþB, ÊEòºÉ °ü{É ¨ÉäÆ ½þÉäxÉÉ SÉÉʽþB? ÊSÉnù¨¤É®ú¨É ºÉɽþ¤É +¦ÉÒ º]õÉ®ú ´ÉɺÉÇ iÉEò ±Éä MÉB* =x½þÉäÆxÉä ¤ÉiÉɪÉÉ ÊEò ÊEòxÉ-ÊEòxÉ SÉÒVÉÉäÆ EòÒ VÉ°ü®úiÉ {Éc÷äMÉÒ, ʨɺÉÉ<±É ªÉ½þÉÆ ºÉä ´É½þÉÆ +Éè®ú ´É½þÉÆ ºÉä ªÉ½þÉÆ EòèºÉä =c÷äÆMÉä? =x½þÉäÆxÉä <ºÉEòÒ BEò iɺ´ÉÒ®ú {Éä¶É EòÒ* ½þ¨É SÉɽþäÆMÉä ÊEò +É{É ¦ÉÒ <ºÉEòÉä VÉ®úÉ {Égø ±ÉäÆ* EªÉÉ-EªÉÉ SÉÒVÉäÆ ½þÉäxÉÒ SÉÉʽþBÆ? <ºÉ¨ÉäÆ ºÉ¤É ʺɡòÉÊ®ú¶ÉäÆ ½þèÆ*
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"I shall risk violance a thousand times rather than risk the emasculation of a whole race".
ªÉ½þ ¤ÉÉiÉ Eò½þ Eò®ú ¨ÉèÆxÉä Eò½þÉ lÉÉ ÊEò ¨ÉèÆ +¤É EòÉä<Ç ¦ÉÒ +Éì{¶ÉxÉ ±ÉäxÉä Eòä ʱÉB iÉèªÉÉ®ú ½þÚÆ* +±ÉMÉ-+±ÉMÉ ±ÉÉäMÉÉäÆ EòÒ +±ÉMÉ-+±ÉMÉ ºÉ¨ÉªÉ {É®ú ʦÉxxÉ-ʦÉxxÉ ºÉÉäSÉ ®ú½þÒ ½þè* ºÉÉäSÉ ¤Énù±ÉiÉÒ ®ú½þiÉÒ ½þè* ¨ÉÖZÉä ʴɶ´ÉÉºÉ ½þè ÊEò +ÉVÉ ÊVÉxÉ ±ÉÉäMÉÉäÆ Eòä ¨ÉxÉ ¨ÉäÆ <xÉ ¤ÉÉiÉÉäÆ EòÉä ±ÉäEò®ú iÉEò±ÉÒ¡ò ½þè, =xÉEòÒ ´É½þ iÉEò±ÉÒ¡ò ¨Éä®úä ¦ÉɹÉhÉ Eòä ¤ÉÉnù nùÚ®ú ½þÉä VÉÉBMÉÒ* ¨ÉèÆ SÉxpù¶ÉäJÉ®ú VÉÒ EòÒ iÉEò±ÉÒ¡ò EòÉä ºÉ¨ÉZÉ ºÉEòiÉÉ ½þÚÆ EªÉÉäÆÊEò ½þ¨É ±ÉÉäMÉÉäÆ EòÒ ¦ÉÒ ´É½þÒ iÉEò±ÉÒ¡ò ®ú½þÒ ½þè* ¨ÉèÆ =xÉEòÒ ¤ÉÉiÉÉäÆ EòÒ <VVÉiÉ Eò®úiÉÉ ½þÚÆ* ½þ¨É =xÉEòÒ ¤ÉÉiÉ ÊEòºÉÒ EòÉä xɽþÒÆ Eò½þäÆMÉä* ¨ÉèÆ VÉ°ü®ú <ºÉ ¤ÉÉiÉ EòÉä ¨ÉÉxÉÚÆMÉÉ ÊEò EòÖUô SÉÒVÉäÆ +ÉVÉ Eòä ÊnùxÉ nùä¶É EòÒ ºÉÖ®úIÉÉ EòÒ nÞùʹ]õ ºÉä +ɴɶªÉEò ½þèÆ* =ºÉEòÉä nùäJÉiÉä ½þÖB ½þ¨ÉxÉä ºÉ½þÒ Eònù¨É =`öɪÉÉ*
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