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A few days ago, the Government was good enough to ask scientists to brief some of us on what we accomplished technically and scientifically through the tests. Some of the reasons were quite convincing. They said "We want to validate on the field, on the ground what we had accomplished through computer simulation. We want an opportunity to pass on to the next generation of scientists the knowledge and the skills involved in the simulation as well as tests."
Sir, we have tested some nuclear devices. We pay fulsome tribute to the scientists, technologists and the engineers. We are proud that we have demonstrated our capability in this area. We are happy that these skills, acquired in 1974, have been updated and are preserved. On that, there is no quarrel. If that is all that this Government wanted to do, much of the cacophony that has followed the testing would have been absent.
This debate is about the consequences of the action that you, Mr. Prime Minister, took on 11th May and 13th May. Has this Government thought through the implications of its action?
Testing is the first step. Next is weaponisation. Yesterday, the Defence Minister is reported to have said that weaponisation is complete. The day after the tests, a Cabinet Minister was quoted as having said in Bangalore that the next step is mounting warheads on missiles.
17.00 hrs.
On the day the two scientists told the nation that weaponisation is underway, that same evening, the Political Advisor to the Prime Minister appeared on the Star TV and said, "no decision has been taken on weaponisation." The Prime Minister proclaimed that India is a nuclear weapons State. What does that mean? Have we weaponised? Have we made weapons? And after you weaponise, the next stage is stockpiling. Have you thought through what stockpiling means? How many weapons will be in an active state and how many will be in a passive state? And after stockpiling, will you induct it into the armed forces? After inducting it into the armed forces, will you mount it on missiles or other platforms? Has the Government thought through all these steps? I find no evidence of any such thinking in the Prime Minister's short statement or in the Prime Minister's long statement. I suspect, he first intended to read the long statement but then he decided that discretion is the better part of valour and he read the short statement.
This debate is about a cynical, manipulated agenda behind this testing. We, therefore, question the motives of this Government in testing at this point of time and we also question the absence of rigorous thinking on the part of this Government on the consequences of testing and the consequences of weaponisation. The Prime Minister disclaims that he has any intention of entering India into an arms race. He may have no intention. But what he has done and what the Defence Minister said yesterday, "is being done", means that we are well into an arms race. We have bombs and they are not in the basement any more. We have weapons now. What will we do with that? We will have to either mount them on missiles or mount them on aircraft. You have made both your major neighbours sworn enemies as a result of what you did on the 11th and 13th May. What will they do? They will acquire air defence systems, as the scientists conceded to us. Some of your scientists told us that they can get over their air defence systems, which means, they will then acquire air defence systems which can get over their missiles, which can get over your current air defence systems. They will acquire surface to air missiles, they will acquire air to air missiles. They may even ask the superpowers to provide them a nuclear umbrella. Then what will you do? You will then acquire missiles which can get over their new air defence systems. This is precisely the kind of arms race which marked the cold war for 30 years. This is precisely the scenario of star wars which the world debunked, criticised and condemned. What you are doing in this South Asian theatre is a smaller version of star wars in which Soviet Union and US were engaged for 30 years and which invited the condemnation of the whole world. It is not simple. We do not make a bomb to keep it in the basement.
Shri Jagmohan asked Shri Natwar Singh: "What was the difference between 1974 and 1998?" The difference is this. When Shrimati Indira Gandhi tested it, she did not utter a word about weaponisation. You tested it and before the mushroom clouds die down, your Ministers were talking about weaponisation, about mounting warheads on missiles, about the unfinished agenda, about hot pursuit and about a fourth war. Where is he going away? Does he not want to know the date and place of the fourth war? What is this we are doing? These are the questions the people of India will ask. And what are you doing from your Party? Anyone who asks this question is being painted as unpatriotic or a traitor. That is the cynical manipulative agenda that we question.
One hundred and seventy-five scientists headed by some of the most reputed minds from the Institute of Mathematical Science and other institutions all over the world have come out and spoken against what you have done.
A couple of days ago in Jaipur, a number of scientists have said that this Government has put India on a perilous path. For these questions, we need answers. And, I am afraid, Mr. Prime Minister, that there are no answers to these questions in your short or in your long statements.
A number of friends asked from this side, why did you test now? What was the provocation? Please remember that many, who were in Government, are still in this House. There are, in this House, three former Prime Ministers. The last two Prime Ministers are Members of this House. The person who occupied that high office until the 18th of March to which you succeeded on the 19th of March, is a Member of this House. Some of us are aware of the threat perceptions and threat assessments. We are not all in the the dark. We are not all children. We are not all ignorant of what is happening around us.
You promised in your National Agenda although you denied it in the Outlook interview, and the Outlook Editor either has misquoted you or he has committed a great misdemeanor on which you should take action against him. He asked you the question that the Government in its National Agenda had promised a strategic Defence review before inducting nuclear weapons. Why was this not done? Your answer, Mr. Prime Minister was and I quote:
"There was no such promise in the National Agenda."
Either you have been misquoted by the Editor or your answer was plainly wrong because in parenthesis he extracts what your National Agenda says. And, let me read that for the record. Your National Agenda point no. 26 released by the Prime Minister on March, 18 states:
"We will establish a National Security Council to analyse the military, economic and political threats to the nation, also to continuously advise the Government. This Council will undertake India's first ever strategic Defence review. To ensure the security, territorial integrity and unity of India, we will take all necessary steps and exercise all available options. Towards that end, we will re-evaluate the Nuclear Policy and exercise the option to induct nuclear weapons."
If this was your agenda, you promised to set up a National Security Council, you promised to analyse the military and political threats to the nation, you promised to undertake the first ever strategic Defence review, you promised to re-evaluate the Nuclear Policy and you promised that at the end of the exercise, you will exercise the option to induct nuclear weapons. Do you seriously want us to believe that all this was done between the 19th of March and the 8th of April when you told Dr. Kalam and others to go ahead with the tests?
Your case, Mr. Prime Minister, is most unconvincing. Your case is extremely weak. It is built on very shallow foundations and I would urge you to share with us, what did you discover between the 19th of March and the 8th of April which Shri Gujral did not discover on the 18th of March? What analysis, what evaluation did your experts make and tell you by the 8th of April which they did not tell Shri Gujral or Shri Mulayam Singh or others who were in the Cabinet Committee on Security?
Sir, my conclusion is that the Government has not discovered a new threat. It invented one. Shri George Fernandes first reported to a startled nation that there was a helipad in Arunachal Pradesh and when we asked him what was the source, he said the Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh in which event the Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh should be the Defence Minister of India. Then, he reported that along the line of control between India and China, a road was being built and when the Press asked him what was the source, he said the Chief Minister of Orissa.
Why does he not pick on Chief Ministers of BJP? Why does he pick on the Chief Ministers of the Congress Party? Then he dreamed up this great theory that in Coco Islands the Chinese had set up missiles which were targeted against India. I have searched the newspapers for the last 17 days, there is now no mention of Coco Islands. Just like the great argument between potato chips and computer chips was thrown over board after you assumed power, Coco Islands seems to have been thrown overboard. It seems to me, wittingly or unwittingly, the Defence Minister was used as a pawn to invent a threat. Having invented a threat, the Prime Minister, backed by his Home Minister, comes and says `here is our nuclear bomb, beware the whole world, India is now a conquering nation.' This is the worst service that you can do for India. What you have done is to create a new axis, as my friend Shri Natwar Singh has said, between the United States, China and Pakistan.
China was no threat to India. The last war with China was fought 36 years ago. The circumstances under which that war began and concluded are still surrounded in controversy. The last war with Pakistan was fought 27 years ago. Only last year, I was present when Prime Minister Gujral engaged Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in two meetings in New York and in Edinborough. He engaged President Clinton in a dialogue at the end of which President Clinton said `I understand your concerns and I will visit you and we will continue the talk.' He engaged Prime Minister Tony Blair in a dialogue in Edinburgh and when there was so much talk about Britain mediating, thanks to a Junior Minister's thoughtless remarks, Prime Minister Tony Blair quite candidly said `Britain had no intention of mediating between India and Pakistan and this was a bilateral issue.' I was present when these dialogues took place. I am sure, when he intervenes in the debate tomorrow, Shri Gujral will throw more light on it.
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