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Colorado Party

Paraguay was exceptional for a traditional Latin American dictatorship in that the Colorado Party was central to Stroessner's ability to rule for so long and to maintain stability. Paraguay's ruling Colorado Party dominated the country's political system for decades by means of a political machine that it sustained through patronage and effective control of the Executive, the judiciary, and numerous state-run enterprises. Pervasive corruption, weak government institutions, rampant impunity, a complacent electorate, and a history of authoritarianism combine to perpetuate the Colorado Party's hold on power.

The Colorado Party, also known as the National Republican Association (ANR), and the Liberal Party had long-standing control of the political process. The Asociacion Nacional Republicana-Partido Colorado (National Republican Association – Colorado Party or ANR-PC) has dominated modern politics in Paraguay since 1946. The word 'Colorado' means 'colored' or 'colored red' in Spanish. The ANR-PC was organized into a highly effective political machine under the Stroessner regime. It continues to have a strong presence at the local and national level.

The Colorado Party (Asociacion Nacional Republicana, or ANR) was founded in 1887, one month after rival politicians formed the Liberal Party (Partido Liberal Radical Autentico, or PLRA). In power since 1947, By 2006 the Colorados had ruled for more consecutive years than any other party in the world, including the Communist Parties in Cuba and China. General Alfredo Stroessner dominated the party from 1954 to 1989, and used the party apparatus, the military, and the bureaucracy to exercise control over the country. Since the end of the dictatorship, by 2006 the country has installed five Presidents by constitutional means -- four were democratically elected; one came to power by constitutional succession. All five were Colorados. Two conflicting political movements—the Colorado Party and the Liberal Party (Partido Liberal—PL) — emerged following the departure of Argentine and Brazilian forces in 1876. The Colorados dominated politics between 1876 and 1904, whereas the Liberals governed between 1904 and 1940.

The outcome of the post-war political crisis was Paraguay’s first military dictator, General Higinio Morínigo. He took power in a bloodless coup in 1940, but was overthrown following the civil war of 1947. Following the dictatorship of Morinigo and the resulting civil war, the divided Colorados returned to power in 1948. The Colorados emerged victorious from the bloody war, but were unable to control their internal divisions, eventually turning to an alliance with the military through which General Stroessner took over in a 1954 coup.

Upon assuming office in 1954, Stroessner turned the Colorado Party into a key element of his rule. Unusual in the Latin American context, the party was a highly organized, omnipresent, and important instrument for the control of society and the functioning of government. The Colorado Party served the interests of the Stroessner regime in a number of ways. First, the party sponsored numerous rallies and demonstrations, thereby promoting identification of the population with the regime. Speakers at such rallies generally employed the language of nationalism, a particularly important theme in a small, landlocked country surrounded by more powerful neighbors. Second, the party mobilized electoral support for government-sponsored candidates. Third, the extensive party media, including the daily newspaper Patria and the radio program "La Voz del Coloradismo," promoted the government's view of national and international events. In addition, the party employed its ancillary organizations, which included professional associations, veterans' groups, women's federations, peasants' groups, cultural societies, and students' clubs, to maintain contact with virtually all sectors in the country.

The Colorado Party's control of jobs in the public and semipublic sectors, a particularly important situation in an underdeveloped country short of opportunities in the private sector, also enabled it to co-opt all potentially significant elements into the regime. Party membership was considered necessary for success. Civilian employees of the central and local governments, including teachers and workers in state hospitals, were recruited from within the ranks of the party, and party dues were deducted from their salaries. Officers in the armed forces also were obliged to join the party; indeed, admission to the officer corps was restricted to children of Colorados. In the late 1980s, the party claimed a membership of 1.4 million, or approximately 35 percent of the total population.

In the mid-1980s cracks had developed within the Party. The split was between two main camps: militants (militantes) and traditionalists (tradicionalistas). Militants, also known as Stronistas, favored Stroessner's regime and wanted little or no change. They generally felt more loyalty to Stroessner personally than to the party. Their leaders included those who particularly benefited from the system and perceived it as good for themselves and the country.

Traditionalists favored a transition to a less authoritarian regime. They believed Paraguay was moving toward a more open system and wanted the party to play a role in the process. Traditionalists stressed the original content of Colorado ideology and further emphasized democracy and social justice. Many of their leaders were from families who had played a major role in the party since the 1940s.

Both militants and traditionalists were subdivided into several factions. Militants broke into two camps: the orthodox (ortodoxo) and institutionalists (institucionalistas). The orthodox favored having Stroessner remain in power until he died, after which his son, Air Force Lieutenant Colonel Gustavo Stroessner Mora, would succeed. The institutionalists were somewhat more pragmatic. One well-known advocate of this position, the minister of public health and social welfare, Adan Godoy Jimenez, proposed that Stroessner stay in power until he died or resigned, at which time a civilian or military figure with the same orientation would assume power.

Traditionalists were even more fragmented than were militants. The traditionalist group closest to the regime, at least prior to the rupture of 1987, was led by Juan Ramon Chaves, the octogenarian president of the party for twenty-five years and president of the Senate, who symbolized the link to the pre-Stroessner period. The ethicals (eticos) coalesced around National Committee member Carlos Romero Arza, the son of Tomas Romero Pereira, architect of the party's alliance with Stroessner in 1954. In a September 1985 speech, Romero Arza called attention to the lack of political ethics in the party. He denounced corruption and bad management, blaming opportunists who had joined the party during the Stroessner regime as a way to enrich themselves.

In preparation for the general elections on 01 May 1989 the Traditionalist sector of the Colorado Party established an agreement in March with all dissident factions of the party but for the small clique, militantes, or militants, who were removed in the coup with General Stroessner. In the relatively honest and free elections General Rodriguez won the presidency with 74% of the vote, and the Colorado Party took the Congress with 70%. Even if the Colorado Party had not won the 70%, it would have received two-thirds of the seats in the bicameral Congress in accord with the 1981 electoral law which gives two-third to the party with a plurality.

President Rodriguez publicly and frequently criticized the Colorados for not achieving unity. This is significant as he was the party's candidate for the presidency on 1 May 1989, is the honorary head of the party, and his government, at least initially, included exclusively members of the party.

The Colorado Party pulled off a major victory over the opposition in Paraguay's 19 November 2006 municipal elections, winning over 70 percent of positions up for vote and embarrassing the oft-divided opposition in the process. This victory boosts President Nicanor Duarte's standing within the Colorado Party and reaffirms his stature as the major political player in the country. The election results left the opposition weakened and searching for a new strategy to win against a well-oiled political machine. The Superior Elections Tribunal (TSJE) appeared to have regained much of its credibility.

The Colorado Party continued to prove it dominated all aspects of the country's political system. The country's opposition parties were largely leaderless, disorganized, and had no plan for change or a message that grabbed hold of the populace at the grassroots level.