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Political Parties

Most parties, including the Colorados and Liberals, have members whose political views span the entire ideological spectrum, more akin to interests than principles. The system of patronage that evolved in the 20th century reinforces this trend, since loyalty to ones patron, and the spoils one receives in return, is based on personal ties having little or nothing to do with political ideology. Many people are born into parties like into religions. Others are recruited through favors. Ideas have little to do with it.

Competition among rival factions within parties is often more fierce than competition among parties. At the same time, the lack of a defining ideology prevents the opposition from formulating a coherent agenda, beyond merely wanting to defeat the Colorados. In many cases, opposition parties or factions agree to compromises with the Colorados in exchange for favors, jobs and money, eliminating defeat of the Colorados as a common objective. Until a leader with broad national support emerges to unite the opposition, its chances of defeating the Colorados will remain slim.

The Colorado Party, also known as the National Republican Association (ANR), and the Liberal Party had long-standing control of the political process. The Asociacion Nacional Republicana-Partido Colorado (National Republican Association – Colorado Party or ANR-PC) has dominated modern politics in Paraguay since 1946. The word 'Colorado' means 'colored' or 'colored red' in Spanish. The ANR-PC was organized into a highly effective political machine under the Stroessner regime. It continues to have a strong presence at the local and national level.

The Partido Liberal Radical Autentico (Authentic Radical Liberal Party or PLRA) served as the leading opposition party. This party resisted many of the economic liberalization plans fostered by Nicanor Duarte Frutos. The lingering public resentment over the corrupt administration of the previous Colorado president, might have removed them from power if opposition parties agreed on a compromise platform and candidate in 2003.

These two parties exercised strong influence over the Supreme Court, lower courts, and the selection and disciplining of judges and prosecutors. Both traditional parties had significant influence over the modification and creation of electoral laws through their congressional majorities. Representatives from all political parties governed the supervisory unit of electoral bodies. New, small, and nontraditional political parties faced hurdles in securing sizable congressional representation due to seat allocation formulas in the electoral code, which favor larger parties.

In addition to the PLRA, other nonlegal parties under Stroessner included the Christian Democratic Party (Partido Democrata Cristiano—PDC) and the Colorado Popular Movement (Movimiento Popular Colorado—Mopoco). The PDC was founded in 1960. The government allowed the legalization of parties in the early 1960s but required new ones to have 10,000 members. Although the PDC lacked the necessary members, it claimed that it was exempt from the new law because the party had already existed before the law was passed. The government rejected this argument, however, contending that the law was based on a 1959 decree law. The government's contention was upheld by the Supreme Court.

Mopoco was founded in 1959 by Colorados who had served in the administration of Federico Chaves, Stroessner's predecessor. The party leadership was forced into exile because of continued opposition to Stroessner and did not return to Paraguay until 1981 under an amnesty provision. The leaders discovered subsequently, however, that the amnesty did not truly reflect a change in government policy, as they became subject once again to harassment and imprisonment. In addition, because Mopoco was not a legally recognized political party, it could not communicate with the electorate.

The Paraguayan Communist Party (Partido Comunista Paraguayo— PCP) was less significant than other opposition political parties, and had been isolated historically from other parties, even in exile. It was proscribed by the 1955 Law for the Defense of Democracy, Law 209 of 1970, and the Electoral Statute. The tight control of the political environment and the presence of the Colorado Party local committees in even small communities virtually prohibited the radical left's penetration in Paraguay.

The electoral code restricts voters to selecting slates of candidates (that are drawn up by party leaders), rather than individual candidates. Candidates running for executive office, such as for president, mayor and governor, run on individual ballots. Independent candidates face obstacles in setting up and running campaigns, since by law they must form a movement or political party and present a minimum number of candidates in a slate in order to compete.

The country's relatively passive opposition parties lacked defining ideologies, vision, leadership, unity, and agendas for change. They tended to operate within the same system of political spoils that enables the Colorado Party to remain in power, and in many cases agree to compromises with the Colorados in exchange for favors, jobs and money.

Opposition candidate Fernando Lugo won Paraguay's presidential election on 01 November 2008, ending 61 years of rule by the Colorado Party. Lugo defeated ruling party rival Blanca Ovelar, who conceded defeat Sunday night, ending her bid to become the South American nation's first woman president. Lugo told supporters that they have decided to be a free Paraguay, and pledged to help the nation's poor. Election officials declared Lugo the winner with 41 percent of the vote, compared to 31 percent for Ovelar. A third candidate, former army chief Lino Oviedo, had 22 percent.

Lugo is a former Roman Catholic bishop who heads the center-left Patriotic Alliance for Change - a coalition that includes the main opposition party, trade unions, farm groups and Indians. Lugo, once called the bishop of the poor, was ordained into the priesthood in 1977, and went into politics in 2006. The Colorado Party had ruled Paraguay since 1947, including the 35-year right-wing dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner.

Although each party receives state funding according to the number of seats in Congress it holds, and there is greater transparency in terms of spending, there are no checks and balances in terms of private donations to party funds. Since 1989, the Colorado Party has been accused of using state resources (specifically from the public sector), including money, personnel, vehicles, and administration, to support its electoral campaigns. It is also common practice among the major parties to use funds in order to strengthen clientelistic links during election campaigns.

UNACE, often referred to as the “spare wheel of coloradism,” was seen as a more right-wing faction of the Colorado Party with which it could reunite at any time. This was related to the strong perception that the political culture among party activists is merely to obtain a seat, often referred to as “un cargo politico” (political position), since the aim is to secure a position within the party apparatus and ideally access to state resources rather than to represent constituents. Power is seen as something to benefit the individual, the party, and fellow party members rather than the notion of the “common good,” a belief reflected in extremely low levels of public confidence in political parties.

the overriding objective of the major political parties remains the capture of the state, public posts, and state revenues and resources. The need to win and maintain power for the good of the individual and party is therefore far more important than any commitment to channeling the needs and the demands of the electorate, or to work in favor of the public good. As a result, elected officials are more accountable to centralized party machinery than to those that elect them, a phenomenon that is aided by the use of party lists in national elections. Again, congressional voting patterns on certain issues reflect less of a commitment to ideology or political integrity than to immediate personal and party interests.

US sponsored party reform activities have proven difficult to implement in Paraguay and achievements are hard to measure. For progress to be made, it seems that some incentives need to be put in place that would lead to a greater willingness on the part of the parties to engage in reform. Sometimes, such incentives can be found in electoral currents and codes, sometimes through other checks and balances, and sometimes through pressure from civil society. In Paraguay, given the past difficulties in working with parties, the US assessment team cautioned against moving too quickly in seeking to immediately and directly “strengthen” political parties.