Kuwait - Parliament Election 2013
Citizens had only a limited, indirect effect on control of the executive branch because the constitution stipulates the country is a hereditary emirate. The 50 elected National Assembly members (along with government-appointed ministers) must by majority vote approve the emir’s choice of crown prince (the future emir). The crown prince must be a male descendant of Sheikh Mubarak al-Sabah and meet three additional requirements – be the age of majority, possess a sound mind, and be a legitimate son of Muslim parents. The National Assembly may remove the emir from power with a two-thirds majority vote if it finds that any of these three conditions is or was not met. The law provides citizens with the right to change their representatives in the legislative branch of government, and citizens exercised this right in practice through elections. A Kuwaiti court in June 2013 called for the new poll after deeming the parliament elected in December 2012 unconstitutional. The decision came one year after the previous opposition-led assembly was dissolved for other irregularities, a move that sparked major street protests. While Kuwait had avoided sustained unrest like that recently seen in other Arab nations, many citizens frustrated by political deadlock have publicly voiced their grievances and demanding governmental reform.
Kuwaitis voted for a new parliament for the third time since the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011. Kuwait held its sixth parliamentary election in seven years on 27 July 2013, a snap vote ordered by its top court after the current assembly was dissolved in mid-June 2013. Almost constant factional infighting and disarray has stalled infrastructure development and held up economic reforms in Kuwait. The election followed protracted political tension in the Gulf state, and observers said it is unlikely to help mend deep-rooted divisions within the country. Kuwait's minority Shia MPs lost more than half of their seats, winning eight seats in the 50-member parliament, down from the record 17 in the December 2012 ballot. Liberal and tribal groups were the main winners. Voter turnout was an estimated 52.5%, higher than expected given the opposition boycott.
The government did not recognize any political parties or allow their formation, although no formal law bans political parties. Well organized, unofficial blocs operated as political groupings, and MPs formed loose alliances. Some tribes held illegal primaries to maximize their members’ chances for election to the National Assembly. Assembly candidates must nominate themselves as individuals.
Participation of Women and Minorities: Although they gained the right to vote in 2005, women faced cultural and social barriers to political participation. For example, tribal leaders excluded women from tribal primaries. Nevertheless, two women were elected to the National Assembly during the July 27 elections, and there were two women in the Cabinet. Women typically voted at a higher rate than men did.
No laws or cultural practices prevented minorities from participating in political life. In the July parliamentary elections, candidates from the Shia community, which comprised roughly one-third of the citizen population, won eight seats in parliament. In the previous two parliaments, elected in December 2012 and February 2012, Shia held 17 and five seats, respectively. The unusually heavy Shia representation in the December 2012 parliament largely resulted from a Sunni Islamist and tribal-led boycott of that election.
Many Islamist and liberal candidates boycotted the 2013 elections due to a dispute over the electoral law, which they argued favoured pro-government candidates. However, some tribal groups and liberal candidates did participate in the elections.
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