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Turkiye - Politics - 2025 Elections

Restrictions on freedoms of assembly, association, and expression prior to the May 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections were a significant development during the year that negatively affected the state of human rights in Turkey. Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe observers reported citizens were able to express their right to vote freely among genuine political alternatives but expressed concerns regarding media bias and restrictions on freedoms of assembly, association, and expression, which created an uneven playing field and contributed to an unfair advantage for the incumbent.

There were credible reports the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings during 2023. Deaths at the hands of security forces, police, and prison guards were reported. Civilian deaths occurred in connection with the government's fight against the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) organization in the southeast. Kurdish individuals were disproportionately impacted. Domestic human rights organizations, bar associations, political opposition figures, international human rights groups, and others have reported government agents engaged in threats and mistreatment of persons while in custody. Individuals with alleged affiliation with the PKK or the Gulen movement were more likely to be subjected to mistreatment or abuse.

The law prohibited arbitrary arrest and detention and provided for the right of any person to challenge the lawfulness of arrest or detention in court, but numerous credible reports indicated the government did not always observe these requirements. Although the law prohibited holding a suspect arbitrarily or secretly, there were numerous reports the government did not observe these prohibitions. Human rights groups alleged that in areas under curfew or in "special security zones," security forces detained citizens without official record, leaving detainees at greater risk of arbitrary abuse.

In addition, prolonged pretrial detention has been reported to be a problem, particularly in politically motivated cases. According to statistics from the Ministry of Justice, as of October 2023, 39,772 persons were held in pretrial detention, accounting for approximately 15 percent of the overall prison population.

The law provided for an independent judiciary, but the judiciary remained subject to influence, particularly from the executive branch. The executive branch exerts strong influence over the Board of Judges and Prosecutors, the judicial body that assigned and reassigned judges and prosecutors to the country's courts nationwide and was responsible for their discipline. Out of 13 total judges on the board, the president directly appointed six: the executive branch and parliament appointed 11 members (seven by parliament and four by the president) every four years; the other two members were the presidentially appointed justice minister and deputy justice minister. Although the constitution provided tenure for judges, the Board of Judges and Prosecutors controlled the careers of judges and prosecutors through appointments, transfers, promotions, expulsions, and reprimands. Broad leeway granted to prosecutors and judges undermined the requirement to remain impartial, and judges' inclination to give precedence to the state's interests contributed to inconsistent application of laws. Bar associations, lawyers, and scholars have expressed concern regarding application procedures for prosecutors and judges described as highly subjective, which they warned opened the door to political litmus tests in the hiring process. They have expressed doubt a newly introduced training system, which required hires be trained under more senior figures for three years, would prevent politicization.

Observers have raised concerns the outcome of some trials appeared predetermined or pointed to judicial interference. Human rights groups and trial monitoring organizations have reported that in politically sensitive cases, judges sometimes barred journalists and observers from the courtroom, interrupted defendants' statements, did not allow them to speak, rejected defense requests without explanation, and handed down decisions without listening to the defendant's statement, among other procedural irregularities.

According to defense lawyers and opposition groups, there was a trend of prosecutors using what appeared to be legally questionable evidence to file criminal charges against and prosecute a broad range of individuals, including media workers, human rights activists, opposition politicians (primarily of the HDP), and others critical of the government. NGOs and human rights activists asserted the country's antiterrorism law allowed an overly broad interpretation of the term "terrorism," leading to the selective prosecution of journalists, activists, and others.

During 2023, the Turkish government engaged in a worldwide effort to apprehend suspected members of the Gulen movement. There were credible reports the government exerted bilateral pressure on other countries to take adverse action against specific individuals, at times without due process. There were also credible allegations Turkish intelligence forces kidnapped alleged members of the Gulen movement in foreign countries and returned them to Turkey to stand trial. There were unconfirmed allegations Turkish authorities deported some Iranian political activists, including those with international protection status, at the request of Iran.

The constitution and law provides for freedom of expression, within certain limits, and freedom of the press. The government has however restricted freedom of expression, including for members of the press and other media. Multiple articles in the penal code directly restrict freedom of the press and other media platforms and free speech through broad provisions that prohibit praising a crime or criminals or inciting the population to enmity, hatred, or denigration, as well as provisions that purport to protect public order and criminalize insulting the state, the president, or government officials. The law also limits free expression online through a law that criminalized "disseminating false information" without establishing clear guidelines.

The government hasprosecuted journalists from major opposition and independent newspapers and jailed journalists, hindering freedom of expression in the country. Media professionals reported self-censorship was widespread amid fear that criticizing the government could prompt reprisals, both economically and through selective prosecution. Individuals in many cases could not criticize the state or government publicly without risk of civil or criminal suits or investigation, and the government restricted expression by individuals sympathetic to some religious, political, or cultural viewpoints.

Government and political leaders have maintained direct and indirect censorship of media and books. Mainstream print media and television stations have largely been controlled by progovernment holding companies heavily influenced by the ruling party. Publishers have often exercised self-censorship, avoiding works with controversial content (including government criticism, erotic content, or pro-Kurdish content) that might draw legal action. Publishers have also faced publication bans and heavy fines if they failed to comply in cases in which a court ordered the correction of offensive content. Some journalists have reported their employers asked them to censor their reporting if it appeared critical of the government or jeopardized other business interests and fired them if they failed to comply.

Turkish authorities have regularly used the counterterrorism law and the penal code to limit free expression on grounds of national security. Organizations, including the Committee to Protect Journalists and Freedom House, reported authorities used the counterterrorism law and criminal code to prosecute journalists, writers, editors, publishers, filmmakers, translators, rights activists, lawyers, elected officials, and students accused of supporting a terrorist organization, often either the PKK or the Gulen movement.

Although the Turkish constitution provides for freedom of assembly, the law specified several grounds for the government to limit that right. The law stipulates penalties for protesters convicted of carrying items that might be construed as weapons, prohibited the use of symbols linked to illegal organizations (including chanting slogans), and criminalizes covering one's face while protesting. The law permits police to use tinted water in water cannons, potentially to tag protesters for later identification and prosecution. The law also allows police to take persons into "protective custody" without a prosecutor's authorization if there is reasonable suspicion that they are a threat to themselves or to public order. The antiterror law gives provincial governors enhanced authority to ban protests and public gatherings, a ban some governors enacted broadly.

The government has treated many demonstrations as security threats to the state and deployed large numbers of riot police to control crowds, frequently using excessive force, resulting in injuries, detentions, and arrests. At times the government has used its authority to detain persons before protests were held on the premise that they might cause civil disruption. The government generally did not investigate security forces' actions.

While the law provides for freedom of association, the government has restricted this right. The government has used provisions of the antiterror law to prevent associations and foundations it had previously closed due to alleged threats to national security from reopening. Human rights groups have reported the counterterrorist financing law was used to justify onerous government audits of organizations and associations focused on human rights or topics otherwise sensitive to the ruling party.

The Turkish constitution and law also provide citizens the ability to change their government through free and fair elections based on universal and equal suffrage conducted by secret ballot. However, the Turkish government has in the past restricted equal competition and placed restrictions on the fundamental freedoms of assembly and expression. The government has also restricted the activities of opposition political parties, leaders, and officials, including through police detention. Several parliamentarians have been reported in 2023 to be at risk of prosecution after parliament lifted their immunity.

In May 2023, the country held early parliamentary and presidential elections. The elections were the first to take place under the presidential system adopted after the 2017 national referendum took effect. The observation mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe noted the elections were held in an environment tilted in favor of the president and the ruling party, stating, "biased media coverage and the lack of a level playing field gave an unjustified advantage to the incumbent."

Radio and television broadcast outlets did not provide equal access to candidates from the country's major political parties. Critics charged media generally favored the ruling Justice and Development Party. According to RTUK member Ilhan Tasci from the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP), the television channel TRT Haber covered President Erdogan for more than 48 hours, or 90 times more airtime than Kemal Kilicdaroglu, leader of the CHP and the joint presidential candidate of the Nation Alliance, who received only 32 minutes of coverage in total. Media influence favored the ruling party and its alliance partner, the Nationalist Movement Party.

Assailants carried out multiple attacks on political party offices, rallies, and party members during the period between the announcement in March of early elections and the vote. Opposition party members faced frequent accusations from the highest levels of government of alleged terrorism-related crimes. Several opposition candidates for parliament faced legal charges in connection with these or other claims. Meanwhile, Representatives expressing views critical of the government or President Erdogan have faced criminal or civil charges. The government used opposition leaders' social media postings to file criminal and civil complaints against them, alleging the defendants insulted the president and spread terrorist propaganda.

During the 2023 elexctions, in Istanbul, both opposition CHP Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu and CHP Provincial Party then-Chair Canan Kaftancioglu were the subjects of investigations and judicial proceedings that human rights organizations widely viewed as politically motivated. In December 2022 Imamoglu was found guilty of "insulting" government officials for his 2019 remarks allegedly insulting members of the Supreme Electoral Council. Kaftancioglu also faced investigations related to comments deemed insulting to President Erdogan and other senior government officials.

HDP representatives faced significant legal challenges to their ability to campaign, express opinions, and retain their mandate. The party faced a closure suit brought by the government. Restrictive government regulations constrained the ability of many in the opposition to conduct political activities such as organizing protests or political campaign events and sharing critical messages on social media.

April 2023 amendments to the electoral law that democracy advocates claimed were designed to limit the political participation of opposition parties and diminish stakeholder trust in the electoral process took effect. The government routinely suspended democratically elected mayors in multiple cities and municipalities. Since 2016, the government had removed 88 percent of elected HDP officials with mayorships still run by government-appointed trustees. Former HDP cochairs Demirtas and Figen Yuksekdag remained in prison.

Two-term Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu was arrested on 19 March 2025 by police during a raid at his home.

Turkish prosecutors called for the official arrest of Imamoglu and four of his aides on 23 March 2025, after which a Turkish court ordred Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu jailed pending trial on graft charges. At least 20 others were also jailed as part of one of two corruption investigations launched the week prior, with at least 100 people being reportedly under inversitation on corruption charges.

The court decision to jail Imamoglu came a day after tens of thousands of his supporters protested in front of the city's courthouse where he was undergoing hours of questioning. Riot police have used rubber bullets, pepper spray and stun grenades on the protesters. Hundreds of protestors were reporeted to have been arrested with the Interior Ministry reporting 343 during the night of 21-22 March across more than a dozen cities. Similitar protest have taken place across Turkey, especially its largest cities, including Ankara, Izmir, Adana, Antalya, Canakkale, Eskisehir, Konya, and Edirne.

Arrested on on charges of corruption and aiding a terrorist group, calling him a "criminal organization leader suspect", Imamoglu was reported to have told police that his arrest had "not only harmed Turkey's international reputation but has also shattered the public's sense of justice and trust in the economy". Ozgur Ozel, chairman of the CHP, slammed Imamoglu's detention as an "attempted coup against our next president", while Ankara's Mayor Mansur Yavas, also a CHP member, told reporters that Imamoglu's arrest was a disgrace for the judicial system.

Widely seen as Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's main political rival, and a member of the CHP, the main opposition against Erdogan's ruling alliance, Ekrem Imamoglu was expected to be selected as the opposition Republican People's Party's (CHP) 2028 presidential candidate in a ballot scheduled for 23 March. He had been re-elected to a second term as Istanbul's mayor after his CHP party had won both there and in Ankara, thereby marking the first time Erdogan's party had lost an election across the country. The arrest is widely seen an attempt to remove the opposition figure and challenger to Erdogan and influence the next presidential race

While the next presidential election is technically scheduled for 2028, it is expected that Erdogan will attempt to run again for office, despite having reached his two-term limit as president. To do so, he must either call an early election or change the constitution.

Despite his arrest, the Republican People's Party (CHP), Turkey's opposition and the second largest party in parliament, officially nominated jailed Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu as their candidate for the 2028 presidential election. Imamoglu was the party's sole candidate in a vote in which CHP said 15 million people cast a ballot. Of those, approximately 1.6 million votes came from CHP members, with the remainder coming from non-members at separate ballot boxes for those who wished to show solidarity with Imamoglu.