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Romania - Extreme Nationalist Parties

Romanian political analysts, government officials and former supporters of the far right largely dismiss Romania's ultra-nationalist movement as politically irrelevant. The far right is divided between the Greater Romanian Party (PRM) and New Generation Party (PNG), with the shadowy Noua Dreapta (New Right) group largely operating underground and on the Internet. The movement's electoral decline is a result of internal divisions, ineffective, aged leaders unwilling to groom younger protgs, the lack of a unifying threat as a rally point, the absorption of many supporters by the mainstream center-right, and a younger generation more focused on materialism than on nationalism or ideology.

Support for extreme nationalist parties has fluctuated from between roughly 10 to 20 percent in Romania since the return of democratically elected government in 1990. The PRM has long enjoyed primacy among this segment of the political spectrum. However, the dramatic rise in popularity for Becali, and to a lesser degree his party, could eventually signal an end to this PRM monopoly.

The increased visibility of the far right, as well as the appearance of new players, came at just the time as Romania joins the EU. Some observers postulate that this phenomenon is already the result of fatigue with the EU accession process. It also comes after a prolonged period of heightened tensions between the two principal parties of the ruling coalition, which in 2004 represented the clearest option for change but now appear to be unable to present a cohesive platform for improving the lives of average Romanians. While some viewed Becali and his party as a flash movement that would soon diminish in support, even more see him as new player who will remain on the political scene in the years to come.

A 22 July 2006 survey released by well-known Romanian pollster the National Institute for Opinion and Marketing Studies (INSOMAR) showed continued notable public support for extreme nationalist politicians and political parties. According to this INSOMAR poll, some 33 percent of respondents expressed confidence in extreme nationalist New Generation Party (PNG) leader Gigi Becali, placing him as the fourth most trusted political figure in Romania. Roughly 24 percent expressed confidence in PRM leader Corneliu Vadim Tudor. Some 15 percent of respondents said they would vote for the PRM if elections were held today; six percent said they would vote for the PNG, which would exceed the five percent electoral threshold for putting the party in parliament.

Local analysts suggested that Romanian respondents typically express more support for radical candidates in off-years between elections -- one pollster commented "It's risk free, since you don't have to actually vote for the guy." At the same time, they also note the resilience of Vadim Tudor over the years and the new popularity of Becali.

Center for Rural and Urban Sociology (CURS) polling agency director and analyst Sebastian Lazaroiu opined that both Tudor and Becali could benefit when Romania "inevitably" has its "post-EU accession hangover." He assessed that dissatisfaction could arise from the higher cost of living; the closure of Romanian firms and family enterprises that cannot compete at a European level; and in reaction to a new infusion of "foreigners" from other parts of Europe who buy property and bring new habits and norms.

Rapid change may also lead many Romanians -- particularly in those areas that benefit least from EU accession -- to find comfort or continuity in such old ideas such as communism and fascism. Lazaroiu drew potential parallels to other countries in Eastern Europe, such as Slovakia, where extreme nationalist parties have increased in strength and are even in government. Lazaroiu's assessment has been echoed by a number of other analysts and mainstream politicians. One analyst wondered about the impact of EU accession on Romania's rural population, which constitutes roughly 47 percent of the population and remains among the most backward in Europe.

In the November 2009 presidential elections, the two far-right candidates, Vadim Tudor (PRM) and Gigi Becali (PNG), failed to capitalize on discontent generated by the economic recession and the widely-held view that mainstream Romanian politicians are corrupt, cynical and ineffective. Tudor won only 5.5 percent of the popular vote, down from 12.6 percent in the 2004 presidential elections and far off his peak of 28.3 percent in the second round of the 2000 contest. Becali's 1.9 percent showing was disappointing (to him) in light of his June 2009 election to the European Parliament (EP) on a joint slate with PRM that garnered 8.6 percent of the vote.

One historian who studies the far right believed many Romanian ultra-nationalists viewed Tudor and Becali increasingly as liabilities. Tudor was suffering from worsening diabetes and younger ultra-conservatives consider him a clown. A former close friend and aide to Becali described the PNG leader as an intelligent but unsophisticated man who rejects advice and bullies his advisors to the point that no one can stand working for him for long. Neither Tudor nor Becali had been effective in building alliances with other mainstream parties, and neither had chosen to groom younger leaders as their successors.

Tudor and the PRM

Despite a turbulent 2005 year for Tudor and the PRM, which included MP defections and the dismissal of several senior party officials, Tudor retains tight control of Romania's fourth largest political party and a loyal public following. On June 17, the PRM organized a large gathering of supporters (close to 4,500 according to PRM sources) to celebrate its fifteenth anniversary. In his speech at this occasion, Tudor -- who had been an official poet for communst dictator Ceausescu -- described the PRM as a "miraculous" entity that springs like a river from history and flows into history, far in the future.

The PRM leader summarized the short history of the party, recollecting the days in 1990 when he and others started to publish a weekly magazine whose name &Romania Mare8 attracted Romanians from all over the world like "a magnet." Tudor continued his speech by saying that over the years many have boded ill to the party, but PRM survived like the movie character who never dies, because he is made up of a special dough. Tudor claimed that the party has grown to 300,000 members and had recently opened a branch in the US, in Arizona.

Tudor further claimed that the PRM had established its credentials as a moderate party. Nonetheless, its publications continued to carry articles that the local Jewish community characterized as "blatantly and patently anti-Semitic." Just as an example, on 12 July 2006, his weekly "Romania Mare" journal included an unsigned front-page article deploring the recent destruction of the last statue in Bucharest of wartime fascist dictator Marshall Ion Antonescu, known as the primary architect and perpetrator of the Holocaust in Romania. He blamed the statue's destruction on noted members of the Jewish community and a presumed Hungarian government official. In the same publication, Tudor himself signed an article presenting a revisionist view of the role of ethnic minorities in Romanian politics. In the piece, Tudor accused "foreigners" -- specifically Jews, Hungarians, and Gypsies -- for killing "brave Romanians" at key junctures in history. The article ended with a warning to "these minority people... who behave like pigs." Tudor asserted that "time is running out", and the price they will pay for their "sins" is nothing but death.

Always keen to remain in the media spotlight, over the 2006 summer Tudor also broke ground on the construction of a private prison, which he claimed he would lease to the state to house "corrupt" politicians. Among those Tudor asserted should be detained were former President Constantinescu, former PRM Jewish Advisor Nati Meir, and several prominent Social Democratic Party (PSD) politicians involved in corruption scandals. Tudor did not disclose the source of funding for the building, but Embassy contacts suspected several wealthy PRM members could be bankrolling the undertaking, including former PRM Senator Dorel Onaca, Deputy Gelil Eserghep, and other wealthy PRM members and associates. Nonetheless, Tudor has also expressed recently his concerns that the PRM was no longer receiving the same level of financial support as it had in recent years, an indicator that some wealthy donors may be leaving the party. One political analyst described the PRM to PolChief as a "tired movement."

Becali and the PNG

Beginning in early 2006, Tudor and the PRM began to face a more obvious challenge on the extreme edge of the political spectrum from flamboyant soccer club owner Gigi Becali. In 2004, Becali had literally purchased a political party -- the New Generation Party (PNG) -- to use as a platform for personal publicity and to launch a failed presidential bid. A former sheep breeder, Becali built in the post-communist era a huge fortune from real estate, which he partially reinvested in the most successful soccer club in Romania. Reportedly worth over a billion euros, Becali entered politics with virtually unlimited funds, as well as name recognition among average Romanians accustomed to seeing him on nightly sportscasts. Becali purchased the PNG at the encouragement of senior Social Democratic Party (PSD) member Viorel Hrebenciuc.

In contrast to the erudite Tudor, "Gigi" became in the sixteen years since 1990 the symbol of the churlish new-rich generation, showing that no education is required to succeed in business, life and politics. He earned a reputation for colorful, sometimes outrageous acts, such as throwing fistfuls of money to fans or poor people he encounters during travels throughout the country. He was born near Braila to Aromanian parents deported by the communists because of their association with the Romanian Iron Guard - a fascist pre-second world war organization. Although Becali has not targeted ethnic minorities in his rhetoric, his use of legionnaire images for the PNG party as well as his strong financial support for the Romanian Orthodox church have given him strong and obvious nationalist credentials. In May 2006, Becali reportedly paid a group of supporters to disrupt through violence a gay rights march in Bucharest. Roma organizations assert that he has also tacitly supported the use of anti-Roma slogans by fans and announcers at his team's soccer matches.

Media analysts contrasted his generosity and effectiveness with the poor record of the government, which made slow and uneven progress despite ambitious reconstruction plans. Becali also contributed significantly to the renovation of numerous churches in the countryside. Embassy contacts also partially credit Becali's rise to the success of his soccer team, which won the Romanian national championship in June 2006following a strong showing in a European championship tournament in May.

Whether or not Becali and Tudor compete for the same pool of voters remained a subject of speculation. Although there was likely some overlap, pollster Lazoriou speculated that Becali appeals more to rural voters who respect his good works and religious orientation. He also enjoyed more a stable following among some young voters, particularly football fans. During the 2004 elections, Tudor and the PRM performed best in small to medium-sized cities among lower middle class and primarily male voters. Over the long-term the outspoken Becali could present a more serious threat to established political parties than Tudor. He represents a "fresh face and his star is clearly rising." Saftoiu down played an alleged relationship between Becali and President Basescu, which had been reported widely in the press.

"Noua Dreapta" [New Right]

Although much smaller, an increasingly visible ultranationalist organization is called "Noua Dreapta," translated in English as the "New Right" - a small, right-extreme group with nationalistic, xenophobic views. Founded in 2000 by young entrepreneur Tudor Ionescu, the group developed an impressive website and has reportedly carried out several campaigns on university campuses to attract dissatisfied students. What several observers characterized as most shocking is the organization's blatant use of Romanian fascist symbols. In addition, Ionescu founded a rock band that performs at "New Right" rallies and has placed some of its songs with highly nationalistic lyrics on the internet for downloading by fans.

On the streets, inspired by radical ideas, they seek an identity. They are rebelling against ethnic Hungarians, against homosexuals against immigrants -- whenever they are not rebelling against each other. They are few but vocal, chanting the same ideas. They wear military clothes, but march with religious icons in their hands. They love God, but hate war refugees. They say they are defending their country, but some have already broken laws. The centuries-long domination of the Orthodox Church, and its status as the majority religion, has resulted in the Orthodox Church's reluctance (in particular at the local level and with the support of low-level officials) to accept the existence of other religions.

The Noua Dreapta organization has repeatedly harassed verbally and sometimes physically the Mormons in several cities around the country. In May two individuals verbally attacked two Mormon missionaries in Bucharest, shouting Noua Dreapta slogans and apparently trying to instigate a physical fight. Noua Dreapta protests against Mormons repeatedly occurred in Iasi.

In June 2006, the "New Right" held a highly publicized parade in central Bucharest to protest against the gay pride march the same day. Several media analysts opined that although the movement remains small, this had been the most visible fascist demonstration in Romania since the fall of communism. The "New Right" was "highly marginal" for the time being.