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Iceland - Political Parties

As of mid-2016, it was not clear how many political parties were running in the 29 October 2016 general election, or how many of them were running in all constituencies. The opinion polls showed significant movement of support between political parties. The conventional Four Party System consisting of Sjálfstæðisflokkur (conservatives), Samfylking (social democrats), Vinstri Grænir (left green movement) and Framsóknarflokkur (center/farmers party) no longer collectively dominates the electorate. New political powers such as Pírataflokkurinn (The Pirate Party) and Viðreisn (center right) are showing significant strength and The Pirate Party is now head to head with Sjálfstæðisflokkur in the polls. Will the Pirate Party lead the next government and offer Edward Snowden political asylum? This could be a real question.

Social Democratic Alliance: Formed in 2000 from three leftist parties -- the Social Democratic Party, the People's Alliance, and the Women's List -- the SDA was created to challenge the long-dominant Independence Party. After a good showing in the 2003 elections (20 seats) followed by a change of party leadership in 2005 (leader Ingibjorg Solrun Gisladottir is Iceland's only female party chair), the SDA has been losing momentum and its support has dropped steadily -- polls in March 2007 put the SDA at around 20 percent, behind the Left-Greens for the first time in its history. The party swept to power in 2009 in the wake of Iceland’s financial and banking crash, under the leadership of Jóhanna Sigurðardóttir, the world’s first out lesbian head of government.

The SDA touted the need to renovate the Icelandic welfare system along the lines of the Nordic social democratic welfare model in order to counter growing income disparity over the last decade. The SDA maintained that the government had mismanaged the economy, to the detriment of the the elderly and the disabled in particular. On "green" matters, the party often wobbled in its attitudes towards further buildup of heavy industry. The SDA's 2007 campaign platform, however, called for an interim freeze on all plans for further industrial buildup, pending drafting of a framework to exclude certain locations from industrial development.

When it comes to foreign relations, the SDA pronounced itself "skeptical" of the value of current defense ties with the US and alleged that Iceland could have achieved more in negotiations in 2006 had it been better prepared for the withdrawal of US forces. The SDA was the only party to openly call for EU membership for Iceland and has similarly said that Iceland should look to Europe more on security matters. Party chair Gisladottir also pledged that the first act of any SDA-led government will be to retroactively remove Iceland from the list of countries that supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq, though without stating any alternative policy goals regarding the Middle East.

Though the challenge to the Independence Party failed initially, under Gísladóttir's leadership, the SDA eventually formed a coalition government with the IP in 2007. It was the senior member in a government coalition with the LG. The party has worked to reconcile the widely varying foreign policy views of its members, which range from strong support for NATO membership to pacifism and neutrality.

The SDA was the most openly pro-EU of Iceland's political parties. The Social Democratic Alliance was the only political party whose platform openly called for EU membership. However, prior to the 2008 economic crisis, polls showed most Icelandic voters as skeptical towards EU membership, leading the SDA to minimize this plank. In the changed conditions, however, the SDA was well prepared for the EU membership debategiven its long-standing pro-EU policy. The SDA firmly believes that EU membership is vital for Iceland to reach and maintain economic stability in the long run.

Left Green Movement: The LG was founded in 1999 by a group of politicians who did not agree with the planned merger of the leftist parties in Iceland that resulted in the SDA, due to concerns over both ideology and leadership. The Left Greens won a respectable 9% of the vote (5 seats) in 2003, but in the 2007 election they improved significantly, with 14% of the total vote (9 seats). The LG captured 22% of the vote and 14 seats in the 2009 election and joined the SDA as the junior partner in the coalition government. As its name implies, the party is focused on a Nordic socialist model of governance with a strong emphasis on environmental issues.

It formally opposes EU membership for Iceland but is open to change should the Icelandic public demand it. The Left-Green Movement (LGM) had always been an anti-EU party. The LGM emphasized an independent Icelandic foreign policy that maintained the sovereignty of Iceland and supports all means of establishing global peace. The party rejects participation in the EU and emphasizes simple, bilateral treaties concerning trade and co-operation. However, due to the economic situation and polls showing that a number of LGM voters also favor EU membership and adoption of the euro, the LGM may need to adapt itself to the current situation.

The LG is no longer a fringe party, though party leaders privately voice concern that the new "Iceland Movement" will draw from the same pool of disaffected voters. The Left Greens have been commended for having a clear position on issues, and have thus pulled left-leaning voters from the comparatively wishy-washy SDA.

Despite an avowedly socialist view on economic and fiscal policy, the LG claims it will not raise taxes, but will instead redistribute the tax burden in order to decrease income disparity. On its pet issue, the environment, the LG wants all plans for further buildup of heavy industry to be halted in favor of the creation of diverse sources of employment in rural areas. From its founding, the LG platform called for Iceland's withdrawal from NATO and the development of a pacifist, cooperation-oriented foreign policy.

Independence Party: The IP was formed in 1929 and is the center-right political party in Iceland. Electorally, it often benefits from being a united force encompassing the entire right-wing ground, unlike the much more fragmented Icelandic left. Iceland's recent political upheaval follows nearly two decades of relative stability under the IP, much of it marked by an Independence-Progressive coalition that was in power from 1995-2007. The IP has a tendency to measure higher in polls than in elections. Longtime IP leader Davíð Oddsson was Prime Minister from 1991-2004, making him the longest-serving prime minister in Europe. The IP elected parliamentarian Bjarni Benediktsson to follow former Prime Minister Geir Haarde as Party Chairman in late March 2009, after Haarde announced in January 2009 his intent to leave politics while undergoing treatment for esophageal cancer.

Independence Party (IP) had been the largest party in Iceland and a participant in most governments since the establishment of the republic in 1944. As such, it has virtually dictated Icelandic foreign policy, been a fervent advocate of NATO membership and strong transatlantic ties, yet been skeptical about European integration. The IP maintained this position, but after the financial crisis hit Iceland, many party members (including the IP Vice Chair and at least one other minister) have come forth and said that the party should reconsider its position towards joining the EU and adopting the euro.

Following the economic collapse of 2008, the IP undertook a thorough review of its policy on joining the EU, concluding that the question should be decided by national referendums at the conclusion of accession negotiations with Brussels. Party support plummeted to 24% (16 seats) in the elections in April 2009, from 37% (25 seats) in the 2007 elections.

On foreign policy, the IP is a staunch supporter of the bilateral defense relationship with the United States and Iceland's NATO membership. IP stalwarts were frustrated with the manner in which the USG announced the withdrawal of US military forces from Iceland in March 2006. In addition, the IP emphasized the need for Iceland to take on more responsibilities in security and defense affairs, fully realizing the need to fill the void left by the departure of U.S. forces. The party's success in this regard can be seen in the corresponding failure of opposition challengers to put foreign policy on the spring 2007 campaign agenda.

Progressive Party: The centrist agrarian Progressive Party has been a party to government for over 30 of the past 40 years. Its support dropped from 23% (15 seats) in the 1995 parliamentary election to 12% (7 seats) in 2007. The party, however, rebounded slightly in 2009 receiving 15% of the vote and nine seats in parliament. The Progressive Party has faced internal instability in the past few years, and power struggles have led to frequent change in the party's leadership.

The Progressive Party (PP) was established in 1916. For most of the twentieth century it was the second largest party in Iceland, but its poll numbers have slipped in recent years. The constituency is largely rural and agrarian, closely connected with the cooperative movement in Iceland. The PP has frequently played a kingmaker role, given the inability of any one party to win an outright majority on its own. Icelanders describe the party as "open at both ends" because of its ability to form coalitions on both the left and right of the political spectrum.

Halldor Asgrimsson (1994-2006), who was Prime Minister in the IP-PP coalition from 2004-2006, attempted to modernize the party and increase its appeal to urban voters, but he proved mostly unsuccessful in this endeavor. Asgrimsson stepped down as chairman of the party after the municipal elections in May 2006 when the PP suffered its second-worst electoral outcome ever. The party was also embroiled in discord between the rural and agrarian component of the party -- led by Deputy Chair Gudni Agustsson -- and the urban faction associated with Asgrimsson. Asgrimsson bypassed Agustsson when he handpicked technocrat Jon Sigurdsson for the chairman position.

The EU membership debate sparked the third leadership crisis in just over two years. Former Prime Minister and Chair of the Progressive Party (PP) Halldor Asgrimsson tried to modernize the traditionally agrarian party by appealing to urban voters, and flirting with a more pro-EU policy. Asgrimsson's strategy failed, as confirmed by stinging losses in 2006's municipal elections and 2007's parliamentary elections. After the 2007 defeat, former Minister of Agriculture Gudni Agustsson took over as party chair, and unsuccessfully attempted to gain support by reverting to a more traditional PP policy appealing to rural interests.

Agustsson stunned political circles by announcing in NOvember 2008 his resignation as chairman and MP, saying he was stepping aside to allow the party to reconcile and move ahead.Chairman Sigmundur Davíð Gunnlaugsson was elected at the party's national congress in January 2009, following the sudden resignation of Guðni Ágústsson in November 2008. Ágústsson himself had replaced Jón Sigurðsson after the party's disastrous showing in the 2007 elections.

The party has in recent years attempted to extend its political base to urban areas, with unsatisfactory results -- Iceland's new urbanites have instead blamed the PP for industrializing Iceland's previously unspoiled highlands, while their coalition partners the IP get all the credit for recent economic growth. The Progressives' political base remains in rural Iceland, mainly farming areas such as Southern and Northeastern Iceland. The party supports continuing economic growth through further build-up of heavy industry and is opposed to the other parties' policies of putting a halt to or pausing further development. Their slogan, "Continued Results -- Don't Stop!" reflects the party's attempt to gain credit for Icelanders' comfortable lifestyle and support for further industrial investment.

Liberal Party and Citizens' Movement: Iceland's Liberal Party, is an idiosyncratic party founded on one issue --opposition to the current system of fisheries management. Devoted to changing the fisheries management system, the party stumbled badly in the April 2009 elections and did not make it over the five percent threshold for representation in the Alþingi. Taking the Liberals' place as the fifth party in parliament was the new Citizens' Movement, which surprised many observers by earning four seats in the legislature. The Citizens' Movement was the only new party to successfully use the protests of 2008-2009 to launch itself into prominence. Subsequently, however, internal strife has torn the party apart. All four members resigned from the party; one became an independent member of Parliament and the other three formed a parliamentary group called The Movement, which had no constituency.

Likely due to the fact that unemployment is so low -- around two percent -- the arrival of immigrants is helping, rather than burdening, the Icelandic economy. Support had dropped to about three to four percent by November 2006. At that point, the LP caught the public's attention when it raised the issue of the growing numbers of immigrant workers coming to Iceland after labor movement within the European Economic Area was fully liberalized in May 2006. The party warned of possible consequences for the Icelandic wage market, the future of the welfare system, and Icelandic society as a whole if foreigners did not properly "adjust" to their new home. After an initial spike in LP following in the polls, the public at large and other political parties have since lambasted the LP for being xenophobic and even racist in its attitudes towards foreigners.

They deny these allegations but their campaign advertisements suggest that there may be some truth to these accusations. While the party still emphasizes fisheries management, the immigrant issue appears to be taking over as issue number one. The LP is fairly pro-American and supports Iceland's NATO membership and maintaining the bilateral defense relationship with the US.

Iceland Movement - Living Land (IM), fashioned itself as a "right-green" party headed by a well-known television personality, who was the party's interim chairman. The first polls since the party's formation in February, 2007 indicated that the party would get approximately five percent in the elections. Like the Left Greens, the IM wants to stop further buildup of energy-intensive industries that would affect unspoiled natural areas. Observers point out that this candidacy will divide environmentalist voters instead of uniting them, and thus likely benefit the current coalition partners.

Bright Future is a relative newcomer on the Icelandic political scene, standing for social liberalism, green liberalism and pro-Europeanism. It returned its first MPs in the 2013 general elections, but are currently polling under the 5% threshold needed to gain access to Alþingi. Founder Guðmundur Steingrímsson is the son and grandson of two former Icelandic Prime Ministers (both of the Progressive Party).

Viðreisn, a new political party, was formally established May 25, 2016. The name of the party translates roughly into ‘Revival’ or Regeneration. The party intends to fight for a just society, a freedom of trade, economic stability and Western cooperation. It plans to put public interest before private interest and to ensure the interest of young people and competitive Icelandic companies. Furthermore, there is an emphasis on a sensible and self-sustaining use of natural resources, taking into account that untouched nature is also a natural resource. Completing membership negotiations with the European Union is emphasized, followed by a referendum on such an agreement. Benedikt Jóhannesson, chairman of the party, , who holds a Ph.D. in statistics and mathematics, runs the data analysis consulting company Talnakönnun, and the publishing company Heimur, which publishes Iceland Review. A poll from Market and Media Research on 26 September 2016 showed Viðreisn at at 9.7% support. This effectively made them the fourth largest party in the country.

The Icelandic Pirates were founded on November 24th, 2012 based on the ideologies of „Piratpartiet“ from Sweden which Richard Falkvinge founded in January 2006, based on the need for internet copyright reform. Today, there are Pirate parties in over 60 countries, each with different focal points, but all are united in the call for the protection and enhancement of civil rights, including free speech and the right to privacy. The Icelandic Pirate Party was elected to the Icelandic Parliament in 2013 with 5% of the votes. Three Pirates became MP’s: Helgi Hrafn Gunnarsson, Birgitta Jónsdóttir and Jón Thór Ólafsson. Jón Thór stepped aside in 2015 and his deputy, Ásta Guðrún Helgadóttir, took his place. In the parliament the Pirates rotate the head of the Pirate MP group between themselves on a yearly basis. The party’s Core Policies include arguments for direct democracy, transparency, civil rights, self-determination rights, access to information and responsible decision making. The Pirate Party also had no official leader, although the media and common parlance often cast Birgitta Jónsdóttir in the role.

Pirate Party leader Birgitta Jonsdottir told Reuters news agency that they had not expected to gain the most votes in the 29 October 2016 election. "Our internal predictions showed 10 to 15 percent, so this (the first results) is at the top of the range. We knew that we would never get 30 percent," Jonsdottir said at a post-election gathering. The Panama Papers claimed their first political scalp on 07 APril 2016 when the Prime Minister of Iceland, Sigmundur David Gunnlaugsson,announced he was stepping down. Early elections were called for the autumn. The revelations were a boost for the country's Pirate Party, which campaigns for greater transparency.