Czech Republic - 2025 Parliamentary Election
Populist, billionaire and self-proclaimed "Trumpist" Andrej Babis won the Czech parliamentary election Saturday in a political comeback that put the country on a course away from supporting Ukraine and toward Hungary and Slovakia, which have taken a pro-Russian path.2111111 The long-anticipated parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic brought several surprises, but the main message is clear: the liberal government led by Prime Minister Petr Fiala, in power since late 2021, is finished. But no dramatic reversal or “regime change” on the scale of Orban’s Hungary or Fico’s Slovakia can be expected. A triumphant Babis, a self-proclaimed "Trumpist", was all smiles and hailed the "historic result" as "the absolute peak" of his political career. "We will definitely lead talks with the SPD and the Motorists and seek a single-party government led by ANO," Babis said. He also said the government would review a Czech-led international drive to supply artillery shells to Ukraine, launched by Fiala's government, and "discuss it with (Ukrainian) President (Volodymyr) Zelensky" if necessary. "We are clearly pro-European and pro-NATO," he added to dispel fears he might draw the Czech Republic closer to EU mavericks Hungary and Slovakia, which have refused military aid to Ukraine and oppose sanctions on Russia. The Czech Republic is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. Legislative authority is vested in a bicameral parliament, consisting of a Chamber of Deputies (Poslanecka snemovna) and a Senate (Senat). The president is head of state and appoints a prime minister and cabinet ministers. The constitution and law provide citizens the ability to choose their government in free and fair periodic elections held by secret ballot and based on universal and equal suffrage.
Though Czech presidents wield much less executive power than Czech prime ministers, they still have a considerable influence on domestic and foreign policy and on the atmosphere in the country. Over the past 20 years, the Czech Republic has had two euroskeptic presidents in Vaclav Klaus and Milos Zeman. Many experts feel that this is one reason why the Czech Republic is one of the most euroskeptic countries in the EU.
The law provides for freedom of expression, including for the press and other media, and the government generally respected this right. An independent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combined to promote freedom of expression, including for the media. The law provides for some limitations to this freedom, including in cases of hate speech, Holocaust denial, and denial of Communist-era crimes.
Czech President and former Chief of the General Staff of the Czech Armed Forces Petr Pavel is a level-headed man with strong nerves. Yet even though he almost never gets emotional in his capacity as head of state, he has seemed for quite some time to be deeply concerned about the state of democracy in the Czech Republic. On 30 September 2025, less than three days before the polls open in Czechia's parliamentary election, he spoke to the nation. His address was broadcast live by numerous Czech media outlets. "I must strongly reject the words of some politicians that this year's elections are to bring about a change in the system," said the president, adding, "Our democratic system is embedded in the Constitution." Pavel went on to say that the country needs "a government that will protect our sovereignty within the community of democratic nations and will not leave us at the mercy of Russia and its efforts to restore a sphere of influence in Central and Eastern Europe." The president's address showed that there is more than usual at stake in this year's parliamentary election, which will take place on October 3 and 4. For the past four years, the country has been ruled by a liberal-conservative coalition led by Prime Minister Petr Fiala. Although not a failure, this government was certainly not very popular, either, as it dealt above all with the major financial fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's war in Ukraine. Everything pointed toward a changing of the guard at government level. The country is expected to shift toward right-wing populism and all that comes with it: euroskepticism, pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian positions, and agitation against refugees, the LGBTQ+ community and green policies. The undisputed frontrunner going into the election is the ANO party of right-wing populist ex-premier and billionaire Andrej Babis. ANO is both an acronym for "Action of Dissatisfied Citizens" and the Czech word for "yes." While ANO is currently polling at between 28% and 30%, the ruling liberal-conservative alliance Spolu (Together), which is made up of three center-right parties, is predicted to get between 20% and 22% of the vote. The liberal-conservative Mayors and Independents (STAN) party, which is also part of the ruling coalition, is polling at between 10% and 12%. Other parties that are expected to enter parliament include the green-liberal Czech Pirate Party (7%–9%), which was part of the coalition until last year, and three extremist opposition parties: the far-right Freedom and Direct Democracy party (SPD, 13%–14%), the pro-Russian communist alliance Stacilo! (Enough!, 5%) and the euroskeptic right-wing nationalist Motorists for Themselves party (5%). Together with Poland, the Czech Republic has the most successful economy in Central Europe. Since the collapse of communism in 1989, it has not had significant periods of nationalist populist government like those in Poland, Slovakia or Hungary — not even during the four years when Andrej Babis and his ANO party were previously in government (2017–2021), when Babis was less populist in outlook than he is now. Since then, however, shifting geopolitical tectonic plates — especially in the form of Russia's all-out war in Ukraine and the toxic influence of the Kremlin — are having a major impact on Czechia, too. As a result of Russia's war in Ukraine, the Czech Republic was hit by an energy price shock in 2022 and 2023, and inflation of up to 15%. Despite support from the state, this hit many people — particularly pensioners — very hard. The economic situation began to settle down in late 2024, with inflation dropping considerably, the economy growing moderately, and real wages rising. Nevertheless, dissatisfaction with Fiala's government is high and widespread. The pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian propaganda of opposition politicians, including ANO leader Andrej Babis, has also contributed to this mood. The Czech Republic is one of Ukraine's staunchest supporters, and Petr Fiala was one of the first foreign heads of government to travel to Kyiv in March 2022. In terms of the size of its population (approx. 10.9 million), Czechia took in a record number of Ukrainian refugees (approx. 660,000). It is estimated that 400,000 still live in the country. Andrej Babis and other right-wing populists and extremists have turned this into a narrative that the Fiala government cares more about Ukraine and Ukrainians than about Czechs. Babis has accused Fiala of "dreaming of a war with Russia." He has called for a halt to military support for Ukraine, restrictions on aid for refugees, and "reasonable" relations with Russia. The government parties turned Czech foreign policy and relations with Russia into the decisive issues in this campaign. Prime Minister Fiala recently said that if Andrej Babis is elected, Czechia would get a "government of national betrayal." Some observers see the threat as real: "One of Putin's dreams could soon be realized," wrote Petr Honzejk of the Czech national daily newspaper Hospodarske noviny. "Should ANO come to power — whether on its own or in cooperation with the SPD, Stacilo! or the Motorists — our country will stop its defense against Russian disinformation and hybrid attacks." Other observers accuse the premier of focusing too much on "scaremongering," or not enough on domestic and economic issues. Columnist Jan Kubita suggested that government politicians should have studied the works of the most recent Nobel Prize winners. "Then perhaps they would understand that the prerequisite for the long-term growth and prosperity of a state lies in the improvement of its institutions." And indeed, many Czechs are very unhappy about the state of public infrastructure, sluggish state institutions, bureaucracy, and excessively slow digitalization. For years, Andrej Babis has been promising to change all this and to make the state more efficient. When he was last in office, however, he did virtually none of this. This time around, he is also promising lower taxes, energy prices and real estate prices, as well as higher pensions and more support for the needy. He has not, however, revealed how he intends to pay for all of this without increasing the national debt. The elections for the lower house of parliament were closely watched both domestically and internationally, attracting nearly 70% turnout – the third highest in the history of the independent Czech Republic. Voter participation has reached levels not seen since the 1990s, when parliamentary democracy and competitive elections were still a novelty, and the country was undergoing a difficult economic transformation. A 70% turnout suggests that Czech society once again finds itself at a decisive moment, choosing the direction of its future for decades to come. The outgoing liberal government of Petr Fiala presented itself as the guarantor of Czechia’s “Western orientation,” while painting the opposition as “pro-Russian collaborators” seeking to pull the country under Kremlin control, or under the sway of other “authoritarians,” such as China. This narrative is deeply rooted in Czech political life and the public consciousness, shaped by the country’s geographical position in Central Europe, long a crossroads of the great powers where struggles for cultural identity have always played a critical role. The dilemma of belonging to either West or East is frequently linked to the contrast between “democracy” and “authoritarianism”: the former equated with the West, the latter with the East. Government parties built their campaign on this framing, confronting society with a supposed “existential choice” between “democratic” parties on one side and “populists” or “extremists” on the other. This election tactic is repeated every cycle – and remains highly effective, as shown by the latest results. The five liberal parties that formed the coalition government after the 2021 election actually won more votes this time. This shows that their supporters were unmoved by scandals linking organized crime to state structures and government parties, by broken campaign promises, by authoritarian policies restricting citizens’ rights and freedoms – including freedom of speech – or by a foreign policy that left Czechia at odds with its neighbors and great powers and isolated internationally, with its main allies reduced to Ukraine, Taiwan, and Israel. A large part of society pushed back by supporting the opposition led by Andrej Babis’ ANO movement. His success is unprecedented in several respects. No party in the history of Czechia has ever won so many votes – nearly two million. No former prime minister has ever returned to win elections again and reclaim his position, which now appears highly likely. The Slovak-born tycoon thus joined Vaclav Klaus and Milos Zeman as one of the defining figures of modern Czech politics. The “Babis phenomenon” embodies the transformation of politics in liberal democracies, where the traditional left-right divide has become less relevant and increasingly hollow. Since its founding in 2011, ANO had transformed from a liberal protest party with a strong anti-corruption agenda into a social democratic force that in recent years has embraced national conservatism. It left the Renew Europe group in the European Parliament and, together with Viktor Orban’s Fidesz and Herbert Kickl’s FPO, launched Patriots for Europe. Babis presented himself as a strong leader ready to defend Czech national interests and the needs of “ordinary people” and domestic business. Fiala’s government made this easy: over the past four years, Czechs experienced a record decline in living standards, runaway inflation that destroyed around a third of household savings, a sharp increase in taxes and living costs (with some of the highest energy prices in Europe despite being an electricity exporter), rapidly rising public debt, and one of the worst housing crises in the EU – where even the middle class can no longer afford homeownership. The deepening socio-economic crisis overlapped with an identity crisis and a loss of optimism. Notably, despite these challenges, other opposition parties received only modest support, with discontent largely consolidating behind ANO. Tomio Okamura’s nationalist SPD weakened compared to previous elections, while the left-conservative Stacilo! alliance – uniting communists, social democrats, and national socialists with ideological affinities to Germany’s Sahra Wagenknecht – failed to enter parliament altogether. Both SPD and Stacilo! represent radical opposition to liberal elites, demanding Czechia’s withdrawal from the EU and NATO and a transformation of the political system toward semi-presidential rule and direct democracy. Yet calls for “regime change” failed to reach a critical mass of voters. By contrast, the Motorists – a relatively new movement riding a wave of American-style Trumpism, growing resistance to Brussels, progressive ideology, regulation, and cancel culture — succeeded. Unlike SPD and Stacilo!, however, the Motorists emphasize NATO membership and reject “Czexit.” The party of billionaire ex-premier Andrej Babis topped the Czech parliamentary election on Saturday with 99 percent of the vote counted, according to official results. His ANO (Yes) party, campaigning on pledges of welfare and halting military aid to Ukraine, scored 34.7 percent of the vote in country of 10.9 million people. The pro-Western coalition of outgoing Prime Minister Petr Fiala followed suit with 23.2 percent of the vote, ahead of its coalition partner STAN with 11.2 percent. A total of six parties were elected, including the Pirate Party with 8.9 percent, the far-right opposition Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) with 7.8 percent and right-wing newcomers, the Motorists, with 6.8 percent. The result was a fiasco for a coalition of four far-left fringe parties led by the maverick Communists who are openly pro-Russian and failed to win a seat. Andrej Babis can form a government with SPD and the Motorists, or he may seek partners among the outgoing coalition. This parliamentary term will test whether ANO’s leader is truly prepared to pursue a national-conservative program consistent with Patriots for Europe – or whether he will once again fall back on political opportunism, serving his personal and business interests. ANO’s tally is the highest percentage ever achieved by a single party in a Czech parliamentary election. ANO would inevitably come under heavy pressure from entrenched networks and the security and intelligence establishment – forces that in the past have succeeded in cornering Babis and pushing through their own agenda, even at odds with government policy and national interests, as exemplified by the notorious Vrbetice affair. A future Babis government is unlikely to deliver a major shift in relations with NATO or the EU. It will almost certainly continue to stress the transatlantic link and seek alignment with Donald Trump’s agenda. Yet this could eventually clash with the need for a pragmatic, interest-based foreign policy, which all three opposition parties advocate and which is in Czechia’s vital interest. Relations with China are likely to normalize, after years of ideological prejudice, diplomatic amateurism, and misplaced political and security cooperation with Taipei. Russia, however, presents a more complex challenge. The Motorists openly reject dialog with Moscow for as long as the Ukraine war continues, and unlike Slovakia, Babis would win little domestic support by seeking cooperation with Russia under current conditions. At most, a recalibration of Czech policy toward Ukraine is possible: halting the ammunition initiative, backing Trump’s peace efforts, and passively following EU sanctions rather than engaging in radical activism and confrontation with Moscow, as under the outgoing government. In this respect, Babis’ stance resembles that of Slovakia, Hungary, or Austria. This could lead to improved relations within the Visegrad Group, strengthen Central Europe as an autonomous player in international affairs, and support long-overdue EU reform – as the current bloc becomes acceptable to fewer and fewer Europeans. In the European Parliament, ANO is part of the far-right Patriots for Europe bloc, which Babis himself co-founded with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Orban was quick to congratulate Babis on X: "Truth has prevailed!" he wrote. "A big step for the Czech Republic, good news for Europe. Congratulations, Andrej!" Fiala's government has provided humanitarian and military aid to Ukraine since it was invaded by Russia in February 2022. But it upset voters with a failure to tame taxes and inflation and kickstart affordable housing construction, while some also blamed it for ignoring problems at home and focusing on Ukraine. The Patriots are united by anti-migrant rhetoric, a critical stance toward EU policies tackling climate change, and the protection of national sovereignty. The Motorists, who are backed by former EU-skeptic President Václav Klaus, share the views while the Freedom party wants to lead the country out of the EU and NATO and plans to expel almost all of some 380,000 Ukrainian refugees from the country.
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