Austro-Hungary in The Great War
Around 1906 the Balkans again became the focus of great-power rivalry, as Russia renewed its interest in the Balkans and became Serbia's great-power patron. A crisis erupted in 1908, when Turkey began to be reorganized as a constitutional state. Bosnia and Hercegovina, which was Turkish territory under Austro-Hungarian administration, was invited to send delegates to the new Turkish parliament. Austria-Hungary responded by formally annexing Bosnia and Hercegovina in violation of various international agreements. It quelled Turkey's objections with financial compensation. But by alienating Russia and Italy, the annexation was a costly diplomatic victory for Austria-Hungary at a time when the military alliance system of Europe was moving against it. Britain had resolved colonial rivalries with both France and Russia, paving the way for the cooperation of the three countries in the Triple Entente.
A scathing criticism of the annexation was delivered by M. Kramarz, the Czech leader. He said the whole development of the European situation and the position of Austria-Hungary had been changed. From 1897 until 1908 an agreement with Russia had governed the policy of Austria-Hungary, and her relationship to Germany had fallen into the background. Now Austria-Hungary was entirely dependent upon Germany. This left Germany mistress of Austro-Hungarian relations with Russia, and reduced Austro-Hungarian intercourse with the Western Powers to an innocent and totally ineffectual flirtation with their amiable Ambassadors.
Following the crisis over Bosnia and Hercegovina, Russia encouraged the independent Balkan states to form what was intended to be an anti-Austro-Hungarian coalition. But the new coalition, called the Balkan League, was more interested in partitioning the remaining Turkish territories in the Balkans, and it defeated Turkey in the First Balkan War in 1912. The Balkan allies turned on each other in 1913 in a war over the division of the former Turkish territories. In this Second Balkan War, Serbia doubled both its territory and its population.
Austria-Hungary considered the newly enlarged and Russian-backed Serbia to be the principal threat to its security because Serbian military intelligence supported anti-Habsburg groups and activities in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Thus, when the heir to the Habsburg crown, Franz Ferdinand, and his wife were assassinated in Sarajevo by Bosnian nationalists on June 28, 1914, the presumption of Serbian complicity was strong. The idea of a preemptive war against Serbia was not new in Vienna, and, despite the weak pretext, Germany indicated a willingness to back its ally.
On July 23, Austria-Hungary presented Serbia with an ultimatum designed to be rejected. The key demands were that Serbia suppress anti-Habsburg activities, organizations, and propaganda and that Habsburg officials be permitted to join in the Serbian investigation of the assassination. Serbia responded negatively but appeared conciliatory. Nonetheless, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia on July 28 without further consultations with Germany.
Russia's decision to mobilize on July 30 escalated the war beyond a regional conflict by bringing into play the system of European alliances. Because German war strategy depended on avoiding a two-front war, Germany had to defeat France before Russia could fully mobilize. Thus, Germany responded to Russia's mobilization by immediately declaring war on France and Russia. On August 4, Britain declared war on Germany. On August 6, Austria-Hungary declared war on Russia. Finally, on August 12, France and Britain declared war on Austria-Hungary.
At the beginning of the war the attitude of the nationalities of the Austrian Empire was somewhat unexpectedly loyal to the state. The immediate cause of war-the murder of the heir to the throne- had profoundly impressed all the Austrian peoples, and the belief that efforts were being made from without to destroy the old empire produced among them a strong reaction in favour of its preservation. Enrolment in the army proceeded everywhere without friction, and much more expeditiously than the military authorities had expected. It was only to be expected that the Germans, whose very existence was in question, should show themselves to be patriotic. But it was somewhat surprising that at Prague, after the declaration of war, Germans and Czechs sang Die Wacht am Rhein together in the streets, and the burgomaster, a Czech, made a speech in German before the town hall in which he called for cheers for the Emperor William and the fraternization of Germans and Czechs.
These evidences of patriotism continued for a long time during the war; even after Italy's declaration of war the majority of the Italian deputies in S. Tirol issued a loyal declaration " in the name of the overwhelming majority of the population," as they asserted (June 14 1915)- On the other hand the efforts made for years by Panslav idealists, Russophil agitators, Serbian propagandists and Italian irredentists, were naturally not without effect. Isolated instances of relations being established with co-nationals in the enemy camp were recorded from the beginning.
The population had not been consulted as to the declaration of war, and their opinion was no more listened to now; but by giving up the cooperation of Parliament the prime minister at the same time abdicated his power in favour of the military authorities. Since there was no longer a Parliament, or any personal immunity, the military authorities established unlimited police rule, which seemed to be obsessed with terror of its own citizens; anyone who seemed to them suspect was subjected to internment in concentration camps. This ruthlessness towards their own citizens, who were arraigned before military courts in trials for high treason, stood in curious contrast to the considerate treatment of " enemy aliens," who were comparatively little molested.
During the later part of the Sturgkh Ministry it is no longer possible to speak of an internal policy, for the military alone ruled. Towards the end, however, Sturgkh was actually endeavouring to bring about a reassembly of the Reichsrat, when he was shot by the Independent Socialist Dr. Friedrich Adler (Oct. 21 1916). The object of the murder of Sturgkh, namely, to lead to a powerful demonstration in favor of the summoning of the Reichsrat, was not attained.
The Danubian Monarchy's difficulties in obtaining replacements of all kinds kept increasing throughout the war. In the winter of 1916–17 there was great mortality among horses due to starvation. In August of 1917 the number of horses in the army was reduced by one-third, in order that the rest could be fed.
President Wilson's note (Dec. 11 1916) and the Entente's answer (Jan. 12 1917) as to the liberation of the " oppressed " peoples of Austria. It called forth sharp counter manifestoes on the part of those who were to be "liberated." A resolution adopted unanimously on Jan. 17 1917 by the Croatian representatives proclaimed, as a condition of the national existence and the cultural and economic development of the Southern Slavs, that they should remain under the House of Habsburg. The Czech Union rejected, by a unanimous resolution of its governing committee, the suggestions of the Entente, as being insinuations based on erroneous premises, and deprecated by a reference to their secular allegiance " the interference of the Entente Powers " (Jan. 23 1917). Koroschek, the Slovene leader, wrote to the minister in the name of his party that " these hypocritical assurances have called forth nothing but indignation among the Southern Slavs" (Jan. 1 1917). The Rumanian Club made a similar declaration on Jan. 24. The hope of achieving parliamentary cooperation on the basis of such loyal declarations as these soon vanished.
Due to discontent at the cession of Chelm (Kholm) to the Ukraine; the Poles threatened the rest of Austria with a boycott of food, and abstained from voting on the budget. The action of the Czechs was even more dangerous to the state; on Jan. 12 1918 a meeting of their deputies at Prague unanimously accepted a resolution to the effect that the Bohemian question was to receive an international solution at the Peace Congress. Seidler regretfully pointed out in Parliament on Jan. 22 that this resolution was totally opposed to that of May 1917, which could still be reconciled with the fundamental conceptions of patriotism. The Germans rejoined with a demand for a province of their own, German Bohemia, separate from Czech-Bohemia (Jan. 22). Similarly the Ruthenians demanded that East Galicia should be erected into a separate Crown land under the name of the Ukraine (March 3).
The two great groups of adversaries in the spring of 1918 were thoroughly worn out and only kept fighting as a result of their great will power. But at this moment a miracle happened to save the entente. This was the transfusion of new blood from the American forces. The Central Empires who received no such assistance, and who were under the pressure of a blockade, which constantly increased in severity, were submitted to catastrophe. After July 1918, on account of the melting away of Russia, it was possible to organize strong reserves of artillery and infantry behind the lines with an idea of getting ready for warfare of movement. The number of quadrupeds available seemed to increase and the shortage of ammunition was not noticeable. Austria had never been as strong either as regards matériel or number of troops, but it was too late.
The process of dissolution advanced rapidly, when England on Aug. 17 recognized the Czechoslovaks as an allied nation; to which the Austrian Government replied with the declaration that no such state existed, but only individual traitors. In a communication to the press on Sept. 4 Hussarek insisted that there were no oppressed peoples in Austria, that on the contrary her constitution assured to the several nationalities a status of equal rights like that of no other state on earth, and he gave a warning against its destruction-a vain appeal to reason.
In the middle of September 1918 the Balkan front crumbled and on the 29th of September, Bulgaria signed the Armistice. The attack of the Italians against the mountainous front between the Brenta and the Piave on the 24th of October was repulsed in the usual manner. Then occurred the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian army which was more due to internal political reasons than to the Italian feats of arms.
On Oct. 1 Prime Minister Hussarek gave the Reichsrat a chance; he recognized expressly the right of the peoples to free self-determination, adopted the standpoint of national autonomy, championed Polish independence, and announced the union of all the Southern Slavs of Austria by constitutional means. The Emperor now made a last despairing attempt; a manifesto of Oct. 16 proposed the conversion of Austria-not of Hungary, it is true-into a federal state composed of free nations, each with the territory which it occupied. This was far from resulting in any cooperation of the nationalities in realizing their former ideal; on the contrary, they felt themselves free from all constraint, and formed Governments having no connexion with the old state. On Oct. 19 the Ukraine National Council was set up in Lemberg, and the Slovene-Croat in Agram; on Oct. 20 the Czechs followed suit in Prague, on the 21st the German delegates in Vienna, on the 25th the Magyars in Pest.
The summoning of the last Ministry of the Austrian Empire, under Lammasch from Oct. 27-31 1918, could only be regarded as an attempt on the part of the impotent Monarch to bring about a friendly liquidation between the peoples who were separating from each other. But since the non-German nationalities were not prepared to accept such a peaceful settlement, the liquidation between the monarchy and the new republic was confined to German-Austria.
An Armistice was granted to Austria-Hungary on November 3, 1918, by the Allied and Associated Powers, and since then the Austro-Hungarian Empire ceased to exist. These powers recognized the Czecho-Slovak State and the Serb-Croat-Slovene State, and recognized Austria as a new State under the name of the Republic of Austria. The old Austro-Hungarian Empire had a population of over 51 million; the new Austria had a population of less than 7 million.
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