Swaziland - Politics
It does not help the king’s image home or abroad that he lives lavishly in an impoverished country where the average lifespan, at 49.42 years is the lowest in the world.
The country that is supposed to be a constitutional monarchy appears to be significantly more monarchy than (progressive) constitutional. The constitution took effect on February 8, 2006, and is Swaziland's first constitution in over 30 years. The constitutional drafting process took ten years, did not include civic education about the purpose of a constitution, and excluded group submissions.
Parliamentary Elections were held in September 2008. Those elections were viewed as non-compliant with international standards. Elections are held regularly (every five years), but since most power is concentrated in the King and political parties are not allowed to contest for any elected office, elections are more of an exercise in giving the people a pretense of participation than a contest for power.
King Sobhuza II, the Lion of Swaziland, was the world's longest reigning monarch and the dominant poJitical figure in Swaziland for 61 years. In 1900, following the Swazi tradition, Sobbuza had been named King by a family council at the age of one. The country was ruled by a regency until Sobhuza assumed the throne in 1921. Independence from the British came in 1968. In April 1973, the King abolished the Constitution and Parliament and affirmed his personal rule.
The influence of the king and national council were an informal but integral part of the Swazi Government and the governing process. The dimensions of the king's personal involvement were unclear but the system he allowed to evolve created a near paralysis in policy-making and an increasingly obvious breakdown in the ability of the Swazi Government to function effectively and responsibly. The primin (who spent most of his time on army matters) was unable to control cabinet as each minister was able to appeal over his head to the king. Each minister was able to follow his own policies so long as he informed the king of the goals. This has led to growing levels of confusion and corruption.
The ministers, who were generally members of the Swazi National Council, are the key links between the traditional and modern sectors. It is they who must convince the national council that the growing number of outlandish economic schemes (oil refinery, international airport, shipping line, etc.) were for the good of the nation. The bureaucracy, which was a major center of support for the opposition party, was riddled with police informers and operates in an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust. There was widespread resentment over royal family nepotism among civil servants due to the gos' providing jobs for many of the children of the king's estimated 110 wives.
He ruled through a cabinet appointed by him and retained the right to override bills passed by Parliament. Parliament was reopened in January 1979 with some members chosen through indirect election and others nominated by the King.
In August 1982, after the death of King Sobhuza II, a power struggle took place within the royal house. There were clashes betweeen proponents of modernization, led by the Prime Minister, Prince Mabandla, and the Queen Regent, and traditionalists, centered in the Liqoqo, the Council of State led by Prince Mfanasibili. In 1983, in a bloodless coup, Prince Soziza deposed Queen Regent Dzeliwe Shongwe, and appointed a new Queen Regent, Ntombi Thwala.
In September 1985, the new Queen Regent, supported by the Prime Minister and the majority of the Royal Council, removed Prince Mafanasibili and Dr. George Msibi from the Liqoqo. Police Commissioner Simelilne, who had close ties to Mafanasibili, was also removed. Prince Mafanasibili had exercised his authority in a heavy-handed manner, which led to dissension in the Royal Family. As a result of this government reshuffle, Crown Prince Mkhosetive was enthroned in April 1986, and took the name King Mswati III. The decision to install the Prince prior to his 21st birthday was probably made in order to block any comeback attempt by Mafanasibili and some of his supporters who still occupied ministerial positions.
Shortly after his accession, King Mswati III undertook to consolidate his power by dissolving the Liqoqo, and making sweeping changes in the government. The King replaced Prime Minister Prince Bhekimpi Dlamini with a former Police Commissioner, Sotsha Dlamini, and appointed several of his relatives to the Cabinet and other positions of power in the government.
In 2002, Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini (in a previous appointment) precipitated a judicial crisis when he announced that the GKOS would not obey a number of Court of Appeals decisions against the government. The Court resigned en masse, and no appeals were heard for two years. The walkout forced the King's hand and he removed Dlamini. The 2006 Constitution renamed the Court of Appeals the Supreme Court, states that the judiciary shall be independent, and that the courts shall interpret the Constitution. After a five year hiatus, in 2008 the King reappointed Dlamini as PM. The selection was interpreted by many as a move to consolidate the powers of the traditional authorities and take back previous advancements in the rule of law.
The King changed the traditional hereditary claim to tribal chief positions. He now reserved the authority to appoint and dismiss the approximately 340 traditional chiefs who preside over their regions. The chiefs have local authority in specific areas and preside over legal cases/issues including land access and use, dispute resolution, family problems, and divorce. An attempt to codify traditional law was suspended because it was evident that there was little consistency anymore in application of traditional practices. Cases judged by traditional law can be appealed to a civil court.
The government harassed and detained opposition members and openly stated it did not want political parties in the country. The constitution provides for freedom of association but does not address how political parties may operate and contest elections. While political parties existed, there was no legal mechanism for them to register or contest elections. The constitution also states candidates for public office must compete on their individual merit, thereby effectively blocking competition based on political party affiliation. For example, the EBC denied participation in the 2013 parliamentary elections to two members of the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress party, who then filed an application with the High Court to compel the EBC to register them. The registrar of the High Court refused to put the matter on the docket.
King Mswati III of Swaziland, one of the world's few absolute monarchs, is known for his many wives and his attachment to traditional dress. He was crowned in 1986 aged 18, rules by decree and has often been criticised for his lavish lifestyle despite the grinding poverty suffered by many of his citizens. Political parties are banned from taking part in elections and only candidates approved by chiefs loyal to the king can stand for office. The country, which has a population of about 1.3 million people, suffers the highest HIV rate in the world, with 27 percent of adults infected.
“The country’s resources (cotton, tobacco, rice, iron, wood etc) are systematically confiscated by the king and his entourage: all foreign companies, such as Coca-Cola’s local subsidiary, are obliged to cede 51% of their shares to a sovereign fund controlled by the monarch and accept one of his relatives on their board,” said Lucky Lukhelé, spokesperson for the pro-democracy Swaziland Solidarity Network, in an interview with the magazine Geo.
Despite the widespread misery endured by his people, Mswati III makes no secret of his passion for luxury cars and expensive watches. In 2019, the exiled opposition revealed that the king treated himself and his clique to a fleet of 19 Rolls-Royce cars and 120 BMWs, at a cost of 15 million euros. A few years earlier, he spent ten times as much on a brand-new international airport named after him – despite the fact that Eswatini has few flights while the country’s road network is a shambles.
The tiny African nation of 1.1 million, which was renamed Eswatini in 2018 to mark the 50th anniversary of its independence, was rocked by days of violent clashes between security forces and protesters in late June and early July 2021. The protest movement began in May when students and teachers rallied in anger at the alleged killing by the police of Thabani Nkomonye, a law student at the University of Eswatini. The authorities opened an investigation into Nkomonye’s death, but the protests escalated in late June when youths took to the streets demanding democratic reforms in a country where the king boasts of many lavish palaces while his people suffer.
Led by Eswatini’s youth, the protest movement broadened to include an array of demands, from the introduction of multi-party democracy to improved economic prospects and an end to brutal crackdowns. Demonstrators barricaded roads and set fire to businesses owned or linked to the royal family, according to witnesses, while videos posted on social media purportedly show soldiers assaulting demonstrators. Activists said soldiers and police had killed more than 50 people since the start of the unrest in the country of 1.2 million inhabitants [on a per capita basis, the number killed would equate to about 15,000 in the United States]. Police and health workers had not confirmed the toll, while government officials refuse to answer queries from the press. The authorities have banned all protests and warned that there will be “zero tolerance” of breaches of the ban.
Eswatini has a history of popular protests. But the situation never previously excalated to the present extent. It could get worse soon. The economy is performing very badly, sa the triple burden of unemployment, poverty and inequality coincides with the political issues in the country to create a powder keg situation. The government said that the economic damage caused by the nationwide protests was great, and at least 5,000 jobs had been lost. Most of the property that was destroyed or damaged — including shops, supermarkets and even a brewery — belonged to South Africans.
|
NEWSLETTER
|
| Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list |
|
|
|
