Congo-Brazzaville - Ethnic Rivalry
Congolese politics were dominated by ethnic groups from the north of the country, and particularly by President Denis Sassou Nguesso's Mbochi ethnic group and its affiliated clans. President Ngouabi and many of his appointees were members of the Mboshi group. Ancient animosities among these groups had been carried over into postindependence political life, and some of the conflicts and issues of the 1960s had developed along ethnic and regional lines.
The ethnic divisions that were apparent in the 1997 and 1998/9 civil wars were still widespread in society today. From the de facto division of some urban neighborhoods to the job market and consumer purchasing, ethnic discrimination has been evident.
There is a great deal of ethnic rivalry between the peoples from the southern part of the country and those from the northern regions. This antagonism between northerners and southerners is apparent in Congolese economics, politics, and religion, as the tension between the Mboshi and the Lali illustrates. The mistrust is not clearly visible in the daily contacts between members of different ethnic groups but comes forth in group situations, such as election campaigns, competition for key positions in business or government, and lawsuits. As early as the Great War there were conflicts in Brazzaville between Africans from the northern regions and the Kongo people who lived near the city.
On the other hand, the Vili, Sundi, Kongo, and Teke carry on friendly relations, owing to a traditional belief in their common origin. The Kongo of the People's Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) maintained close ties with the Kongo of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa) and Angola.
The ethnic rivalries that pervade the country had many of their roots in pre-colonial times when conflicts over trading rights along the Congo River developed. Although the European presence ended most of the open conflicts, it could not remove deep feelings of distrust. European occupation was accompanied by the creation of urban centers, bringing changes affecting the members of every group. In the urban environment Africans came into daily contact with members of other groups, often leading to the formation of new attitudes on ethnic relations.
The first step in this process of intermingling involves the movement of persons from the rural areas and secondary urban centers to the larger cities. In this modern, urban, commercial setting the newcomers are confronted with living and working conditions drastically different from those in their rural homeland. They soon discover that their traditional beliefs and ways of life conflict with the values and practices of the city, and they are usually expected to abide by westernized standards of conduct.
Individuals in such an environment find themselves separated from traditional structures of authority and social organization. The basis for social and professional advancement becomes the European concept of individual achievement rather than the traditional African concept of seniority. As the newly arrived Congolese widens contacts with members of other ethnic groups and attempts to function in the cosmopolitan atmosphere of the city, they slowly discards many of his traditional practices. By living and working together, the people develop some feelings of solidarity and urban consciousness. In certain cases traditional customs and obligations are viewed with disfavor and there is a disinclination to accept traditional authority. A reluctance to return to village life and a lessening of ethnic rivalries may also be a part of the new attitudes.
The second step in the evolution of ethnic relations begins when the urban dweller achieves a balance between traditional and modern influences. Families re-introduce traditional practices and ethnic rivalries reappear at the group level and on the political scene. This stage is characterized by the establishment of districts that are ethnically homogeneous, in which migrants from the rural areas settle among their own kinfolk. The men insist on marrying women of their particular ethnic group. Many of these women arrive directly from the villages and are still subject to traditional obligations. Other kinsmen who come to the city to live temporarily with their urbanized relatives reinforce rural customs.
Counteracting the integrative tendencies of ethnic intermingling was the development of ethnic rivalry in the political sphere. It appeared that political parties recruited members because they belonged to a particular ethnic group rather than because they were in agreement with party policy or doctrine. The political parties organized themselves along territorial and ethnic lines corresponding to the three major groups within the country. This ethnic antagonism in the political arena contributed to the tension and distrust between those from the northern and southern regions, especially among the Lali and the Mboshi.
While ethnic rivalries and suspicions still persist, there was some development of sentiment favoring ethnic intermingling, at least concerning some aspects of life. When a group of unemployed Brazzaville men who had migrated to the city from rural areas were asked if they would prefer to work exclusively with members of their own ethnic group or in a mixed situation, an overwhelming majority indicated a preference for integrated working conditions. A similar question was posed to a group of unemployed but trained young adults. Like the older men, they chose the integrated situation. The reasons for prefering ethnic integration at this level of social interaction included a desire to avoid family quarrels and ethnic group disputes, a desire to escape family obligations, and the hope of eliminating sorcery.
|
NEWSLETTER
|
| Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list |
|
|
|
