Sergei Naryshkin
Sergey Yevgenyevich Naryshkin is a Russian politician and businessman who served as the director of the Foreign Intelligence Service since 2016. He had been the head of the Russian Presidential Administration since May 2008. He was also the Chairman of the Board of Management of Channel One, the Russian federal TV channel and Deputy Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Rosneft Oil Company, Russia's extraction and refinement giant. Despite his low profile and quiet manner, Naryshkin was once tipped as a possible successor to President Putin.
The Russian Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) should be proactive by taking innovative steps and identify key tendencies of development of the international situation, Russian President Vladimir Putin said 05 October 2016. "Today the situation in the world makes special demands to the quality and effectiveness of the SVR work. It is necessary to be proactive, use innovative, unconventional decisions," Putin said. He also stressed the importance of identifying and analyzing "the whole spectrum of external threats, identifying key strategic trends in the development of the international situation, contributing to the strengthening of economic, technological and military potential of Russia. " "Of course the safety of our citizens should be under special control, especially in regions such as the Middle East, Africa, as well as in certain Central Asian countries," Putin said at a ceremony formally appointing Sergei Naryshkin to lead the SVR.
Sergey Naryshkin was born on 27 October 1954 in Leningrad (now Saint Petersburg). Naryshkin grew up on Fontanka, one of the city's most coveted addresses, where he shared a small apartment with his parents, grandmother and brother. Acquaintances hint that his father was in the Communist Party elite.
Some researchers believe he is a descendant of the noble Naryshkin family who had relations with the Russian Imperial Family. Others affirm that Sergey Naryshkin has no connection to the famous historical family. Naryshkin himself has never commented on it. The Naryshkin trace their lineage to 15th century Moscow when Mordko Kurbat Naryshko, a Crimean Tatar, moved to the city and cemented his family as a powerhouse, later becoming allied to Russia's ruling house in 1671. It was then that Natalya Naryshkina (daughter of Kirill Poluektovich Naryshkin) married Alexis of Russia, and became the mother of Peter the Great.
The Naryshkin Baroque style in architecture is also called Moscow Baroque. It is attributed to nobleman Lev Naryshkin, Peter the Great's uncle on the mother's side. In Moscow, one can still see many buildings representing that style, be it the Great Cathedral at the Donskoy Monastery, or the Church of the Assumption of the Virgin at the Novodevichy Convent. Regrettably, the Sukharev Tower, once one of Moscow's best-known landmarks, was destroyed in 1934.
In 1978 he graduated from the Leningrad Mechanical Institute with a degree in radio-mechanical engineering. He received his second higher education at the St. Petersburg International Institute of Management as an economist. He has a doctorate in economics. In his scientific works, Sergey Naryshkin substantiated new conceptual approaches to topical issues of state policy to attract foreign investment. In his works, the fundamental provisions of the theory and practice of state regulation of foreign investment, the targeted use of foreign investment as a factor in the modernization and innovative renewal of the Russian economy received scientific justification.
From 1978 tp 1982 Naryshkin's official biography is blank, but friends say he was sent to Moscow to study, hinting at KGB recruitment. According to some sources, Sergey Naryshkin worked for the KGB and had studied at a KGB school together with Vladimir Putin, the future President of the Russian Federation.
In 1982 he was appointed Assistant Vice-Rector for International Scientific Relations of the Leningrad Polytechnic Institute. He also held the position of Deputy Head of the Department of Foreign Economic Relations at the institute. As an expert of the USSR State Committee on Science and Technology, from late 1986 through the end of 1989 he was a staff member of the Soviet embassy in Belgium. Naryshkin's official title was "expert to the state science and technological committee," but according to the Kommersant newspaper, he was a KGB officer using the post as a cover. Since 1992, Sergey Naryshkin headed one of the departments of the Committee for Economics and Finance of the St. Petersburg Mayor's Office.
In the beginning of the 1990s he worked with Putin at the mayor's office and then in the government of the Leningrad Region. Naryshkin and Vladimir Putin took jobs at the St. Petersburg Mayor's Office at about the same time. In different sub-departments, though. In 1992-1995 Sergey Naryshkin headed the economic growth department of the City of Saint Petersburg. Later he became the chief of a section and then the chairman of the city's Committee of Economics and Finance Alexey Kudrin was in charge of. His career as a businessman was also successful.
In 1995-1997 Naryshkin was the chief of the external investment department of Promstroybank, one of the largest banks in Saint Petersburg.
Promstroibank was owned at the time by Vladimir Kogan, once known as Putin's personal banker. The future president kept his savings in Promstroibank and held bank shares. The bank attracted major clients as multinational firms quickly learned that connections were key to winning privileged contracts in a city slow to adapt to the country's new capitalist spirit.
In 1997 he headed the investment department of Leningrad Region (Leningrad Oblast) government. In 1998 he was appointed Chairman of the External Economic and International Relations Committee of the Leningrad Region, and remained as such until 2004. Putin previously led this committee on international ties.During his time in the Leningrad region administration (1997-2004), Naryshkin oversaw enormous investments in the region, bringing in Philip Morris, Caterpillar and Ford, which all built factories in the area. Ford, among others, was one of Promstroibank's main clients.
He fostered close ties with Vladimir Putin, head of the city's committee on external relations, and with those who would become Putin's key ministers and advisers. One of them was future Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin, who headed the economics and finance committee from 1993 to 1996.
In 2004 Putin invited him to Moscow and immediately his career took off: First he became deputy director of the economic department of the Russian presidential administration and shortly afterward chief of staff of Fradkov's government. By that time many common acquaintances had already moved to Moscow. Naryshkin was invited to take a position in the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. He accepted the invitation and became the Deputy Chairman of the Economic Department. Soon he was promoted to the position of Deputy Chief of Staff of the Russian government and on 13 September 2004, by the President's order, Sergey Naryshkin was appointed Chief of Staff of the Russian government. Naryshkin was responsible for administrative reform and state industry policy. He was then appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Russia for external economic activity by Russian President Vladimir Putin.
In 2007-2008 he was: Deputy prime minister. His appointment was seen as a move to strengthen Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov's position in the Cabinet at the expense of liberal ministers like Economic Development and Trade Minister German Gref. Some suspected that Naryshkin was placed inside the White House staff to keep an eye on Fradkov. Charged initially with overseeing foreign trade and CIS relations, Naryshkin ended up overseeing everything from the country's 556 billion ruble ($22.3 billion) investment program in Siberia and the Far East to the construction of the East Siberian-Pacific Ocean oil pipeline. Naryshkin also chaired a series of meetings aimed at seeking compromise over competing ministries' ideas of what should be included in a long-awaited bill defining the country's "strategic industries," where foreign investment will be limited.
On 12 September 2007 when the Russian government, headed by Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov was forced to resign, Sergey Naryshkin was temporarily appointed Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. On 14 September 2007 Viktor Zubkov became the head of the government, and Naryshkin returned to his former position in the new ministry.
In May 2008 Sergey Naryshkin became Chief of the Presidential Administration of Russia. Since December 2008, he has been chairman of the Presidential Commission on State Awards. In 2009-2012, he was chairman of the Commission on Countering Attempts to Falsify History to the Detriment of Russia's Interests.
In December 2011 he was elected a member of parliament, and then, speaker of the lower house of the Federal Assembly. Between 2011 and 2016, he was the Chairman of the State Duma, chairman of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union State of Russia and Belarus. The State Duma of the 2011-2016 model was nicknamed the "mad printer" because of the large number of hastily adopted prohibitive laws without prior discussion with the public.
On March 20, 2014, the State Duma ratified the agreement on the accession of Crimea to Russia, thereby legally formalizing the annexation of the peninsula. The consequences of the annexation of Crimea affected the position of Russia in the world and the lives of Russian citizens themselves. The international community did not recognize this step. "It was not us who started it all. We didn't seek confrontation with anyone. The US and European partners used the events in Ukraine as pretext to provoke an aggravation of relations with Russia. Our country kept persuading both parties to the intra-Ukrainian conflict to come to the negotiating table and to resolve all disputes peacefully, using the dialogue and not the argument of force as their chief tool."
The legality of the Duma he headed was compromised by large-scale frauds during the elections which led to serious street protests. Naryshkin organized its work in such a way that soon the lower house of the Russian parliament became known as "the crazy printer." Such an unpleasant epithet appeared when in a short time it adopted a large number of repressive bills and legislations.
Russian President Vladimir Putin made a staff reshuffle, dismissing his old St. Petersburg ally Sergei Naryshkin from the post of State Duma Speaker on 22 September 2016 and appointing him director of the Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR). Little is known about this structure and many observers even say that its directorship does not require much involvement in intelligence activity. Mikhail Fradkov, who headed the service for almost nine years, is a vivid example: Before coming to the service, he had no relation to intelligence whatsoever.
Naryshkin's case, however, is slightly different: He is the fourth person in Russian politics who has returned to where he started. According to unofficial information, the former Duma speaker served in the KGB's First Chief Directorate in the 1970s. The directorate was responsible for foreign intelligence and later branched off into a separate service, the SVR. Naryshkin's transference to intelligence may be an attempt by Putin to strengthen the SVR or just an honorable sinecure with an admirable salary. Judging by fiscal declarations, last year the SVR director's salary was the most impressive among special service heads (20,317 rubles, or $319,000).
According to the presidential decree, Fradkov resigned "due to his retirement” and will now head the executive board of Russian Railways. But there are also other observations. Slon Magazine writes that in the last months the Kremlin has been receiving complaints about the head of the SVR. They concerned the service's work and "possibly the service's extremely optimistic reports on negotiations between the EU and the U.S. on free trade."
According to the Russian business daily Kommersant, many within the SVR saw the necessity of renewing the top managing personnel and of carrying out internal reforms. There have been frequent scandals involving Russian spies and memories of 2010, when the service experienced the greatest debacle in its history, are still fresh. In that year the FBI extradited 10 “deep cover” agents and 80 more agents could have been exposed, as well as the entire intelligence gathering system.
Unlike the unseasoned Fradkov, Naryshkin, who is not indifferent to intelligence matters, is a more suitable figure, said president of the independent Institute of National Strategy Mikhail Remizov. "He is capable of strengthening the position he will occupy, since he is part of the highest league of Russian politics and the president's closest circle. He also has a good track record in this field," explained Remizov.
In Remizov's opinion, it should also be considered that in the existing relations with the West, the SVR is changing its priorities. It is becoming critically important to work in the manner of Britain’s Intelligence Service, combining comprehensive threat analysis and quality processing of the data obtained. "It is absolutely certain that now the SVR must be the key structure, one that forms a cognitive map of the world and thus, Russia's political strategy."
Although Naryshkin is considered "our man" in the SVR, for his career this appointment may actually be a demotion, according to Alexei Zudin, a member of the expert council at the Institute of Social-Economic and Political Studies. In essence, the SVR head's real position in the table of ranks is not that high. Until the very last moment Naryshkin himself called his transference to intelligence "speculation," participated in the State Duma elections (held on Sept. 18) and said that he "doesn't intend to step down."
The Gazeta.ru publication notes that the appointment implies that Naryshkin's work in the Duma was appreciated, even though, while being a good administrator, he was not a brilliant politician. In the view of Lieutenant General Nikolai Leonov from the FSB's foreign intelligence directorate, moving Naryshkin to the SVR is a "purely political appointment.... This is natural and understandable. Because the head of state must have as the director of the SVR a person he fully trusts. Moreover, Naryshkin has lots of experience in governmental and political work and his candidature will not raise any objections".
Alexei Zudin thought it was unclear whether Naryshkin will remain a purely political appointee or he will get involved in the SVR as a reformer. Fradkov was a political appointee. But Naryshkin's fate is ambiguous: If rumors of the creation of the Ministry of State Security (a structure that will absorb all the other security agencies, including the SVR) under the aegis of the FSB become reality, Naryshkin will most likely lose out: "The ministry will already have its own director," said Zudin.
But Remizov was convinced that directing the intelligence service is not a sinecure. In the next few days Naryshkin's replacement at the State Duma will be announced. The number one candidate was the current deputy head of the presidential administration, the Kremlin's “éminence grise,” Vyacheslav Volodin.
Naryshkin became known as a figure who was unafraid to voice opinions on matters otherwise considered conspiracy theories, and has styled himself as a Kremlin hardliner. In a 2022 interview, he claimed that the poisoning of opposition politician Alexei Navalny was not carried out by Russia — something which is widely agreed — but that the West had found a "sacrificial victim" to frame Russia with. He described the Ukrainian government as akin to "Hitler's occupation", and, when asked if he had ever been betrayed, gave a chilling response: "One thing soothes me: these traitors have either already burned in the fires of hell or will certainly do so".
The Security Council of the Russian Federation, chaired by President Putin and composed of members he appoints, is a key national security body in Russia that determines and executes Russia's foreign policy, including its unprovoked war of choice against Ukraine.
On 22 February 2022 Putin famously scolded his top foreign intelligence official, who appeared nervous. The head of Russia's spy service had a tense exchange with Vladimir Putin during a Security Council meeting about the Russian-controlled territories in east Ukraine. Naryshkin did not give off the vibe that he wasn't sure what stance he wanted to take, he gave off the "what can I say that won't get me killed" vibe. Sergey Naryshkin was put on the spot for suggesting Russia consider giving the West one last ultimatum. Putin brought together his security council and asked each of its members whether they support the decision to recognize the independence of the self-proclaimed republics of Donetsk and Luhansk, located in southeastern Ukraine. Naryshkin suggested this could be done by giving the West a short-term ultimatum. The mood was grim and tense.
Sergei Naryshkin fumbled his words. "I would like to agree with the suggestion of Nikolai Platanovoc, that we give our Western partners one last chance, presenting them with the choice, in the shortest time, to force Kyiv to choose peace and implement the Minsk agreement. In the worst case, we have to make the decision we are discussing today," he said. Russia had not yet confirmed its true intentions in Ukraine, but had amassed over 100,000 troops along the border. Putin interrupts him dryly: "What does that mean? Are you suggesting we start negotiations or recognize sovereignty?" And that's when the moment comes. Naryshkin starts to stutter, he doesn't know what to say, he mumbles "yes" then "no," and his face turns white for seconds that seem to last an eternity. Putin barked 'Speak directly!' / 'Speak plainly!' / "Tell me straight!" [or words to that effect]. Putin was seemingly annoyed at what he characterized as unclear statements of support for declaring the independence of two Ukrainian regions.
"With the suggestion of Nikolai Platonovich, that we could give our, how to say it, Western partners, one last chance. Presenting them with the choice, in the shortest time frame, to force Kyiv to choose peace and implement the Minsk agreements," Naryshin told the president. "In the worst case, we must make the decision that we are discussing today."
Feeling the pressure, the spy chief does a U-turn and goes one step further: he says he supports the annexation of Donetsk and Luhansk into the Russian Federation. But he is again called out by Putin: "We're not talking about that. We're talking about recognizing their independence or not. Yes or no?" So the nervous Naryshkin takes back what he said once again: "Yes,. "I support their proposal for independence." Naryshin finally responded "Thanks, you can take your seat." The world was amazed at just how far the Russian President was willing to go to humiliate one of his closest and most loyal aides in what was framed as a livestream conference, but which was later confirmed to have been pre-recorded, making the humiliation even sorer for Naryshkin. Paul D'Anieri observed "Naryshkin appeared to have no idea what Putin wanted him to say. Not even the head of the foreign intelligence service knew what the plan was."" Russian troops have arrived in eastern Ukraine hours later.
"Western politicians and commentators like to call what is happening a 'new cold war.' It seems that historical parallels are not entirely appropriate here," Sergei Naryshkin said 03 March 2022 on his agency's website. "If only because in the second half of the 20th century Russia fought with the West on the distant approaches, and now the war has come to the very borders of our Motherland. So for us it is definitely not 'cold', but quite 'hot'".
In late April 2022, he claimed that the US and Poland were working to restore Polish control over the country's "historical possessions" in Ukraine. The SVR issued a statement which read: "As stated by the director of the SVR, S.E. Naryshkin: ‘According to information received by the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service, Washington and Warsaw are working on plans to establish Poland's tight military-political control over 'its historical possessions' in Ukraine.'" Quoting Naryshkin, it said Polish troops would soon enter western Ukraine under the pretext of protecting the country from Russia, stating: Currently, the modalities of the upcoming mission are being discussed with the Biden administration. "According to preliminary agreements, it will take place without a NATO mandate, but with the participation of ‘willing states.' ....Warsaw has not yet been able to agree with the potential participants of the ‘coalition of like-minded people.'"
The majority of thinking people the world over realize that it is Russia who is on the side of truth and is doing its best to thwart a global Nazi comeback, Foreign Intelligence Service Director Sergey Naryshkin said on 03 September 2022. "Most thinking people across the globe find it obvious that it is Russia who is on the side of truth, fighting aggression and doing its best to prevent a global Nazi comeback," he told An opening ceremony for the Victory Dictation 2022 international patriotic action in Vladimir. "I am confident that the inevitable destruction of the hegemony of the West's liberal-totalitarian regimes will also make the world a more open, honest and just place," he added.
Naryshkin said that he and CIA counterpart William Burns had discussed Ukraine in a phone call, TASS said on 12 July 2023. Burns called Naryshkin after a brief mutiny by Russian mercenary boss Yevgeny Prigozhin and his Wagner fighters, several U.S. media outlets reported on June 30. The purpose of the call was to tell Moscow that the United States had no role in the mutiny, the U.S. media reported. Naryshkin confirmed that Burns had raised "the events of June 24," the day the mercenaries took control of the Russian city of Rostov-on-Don and covered some 780 kilometers toward Moscow before abruptly aborting their march and reaching a deal with the Kremlin to end the revolt. Naryshkin said the call lasted about an hour, adding, "We considered and discussed what to do with Ukraine."
"It's natural that negotiations will be possible sooner or later because any conflict, including armed conflict, ends by negotiations, but the conditions for these still need to ripen," TASS quoted him as saying. Naryshkin's characterization of his latest phone talks with Burns suggested that Moscow and Washington may be holding secret peace talks. Ukrainian presidential adviser Mykhaylo Podolyak told Reuters there could be no negotiations with people like Naryshkin. "Today, someone like Naryshkin has no leverage over how this war will end," Podolyak said. "This Russian elite perceives events completely inadequately, so there is nothing to talk about with them."
Vladimir Putin held, via videoconference, a meeting on current issues with permanent members of the Security Council on July 21, 2023. Naryshkin reported: "According to information provided to the service by several sources, officials in Warsaw are gradually coming to an understanding that no kind of Western assistance to Kiev can support Ukraine in reaching the goals of this assistance. Moreover, they are beginning to understand that Ukraine will be defeated in only the matter of time.
In this regard, the Polish authorities are getting more intent on taking the western parts of Ukraine under control by deploying their troops there. There are plans to present this measure as the fulfillment of allied obligations within the Polish-Lithuanian-Ukrainian security initiative, the so-called Lublin Triangle.
We see that plans also call for significantly increasing the number of personnel of the combined Lithuanian-Polish-Ukrainian brigade, which operates under the auspices of this so-called Lublin Triangle. We believe that it is necessary to keep a close eye on these dangerous plans of the Polish authorities."
Sergey Naryshkin is married, has a son and a daughter. His wife Tatyana Sergeevna is a specialist in the field of information technology. Until 2004, she worked at the Department of Information Systems and Computer Technologies of the Baltic State Technical University Voenmekh. Son Andrei works at CJSC Energoproekt, Deputy General Director. Daughter Veronika graduated from the Academy of National Economy, master of sports, works in the All-Russian Swimming Federation.
Sergey Naryshkin likes to spend his free time with his family, trying to devote more time and attention to his beloved granddaughters Natasha and Anya. He prefers to relax in nature. Interested in the history and culture of Russia. An avid theatergoer, in his student years, he did not miss almost a single premiere of the leading theaters in Leningrad, where he then lived and studied. Today he tries to follow the new and most notable productions of the capital's theaters. He loves the bard song - an admirer of the work of Yuri Vizbor, Vladimir Vysotsky, Bulat Okudzhava. He goes in for sports - skiing, tennis and swimming. Every morning Sergey Naryshkin starts with a 300-500-meter swim, which helps him to be in good physical shape. An enthusiastic sportsman, in 2006 he became President of the All-Russian Swimming Federation.
He was awarded the Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" III degree, the Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" IV degree, the Order of Honor, the medal of the Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" II degree, the Order of Friendship of the Peoples of the Republic of Belarus, the Order of Dostyk II degree of the Republic of Kazakhstan and many other Russian and foreign orders and medals.
Sergey Naryshkin is married and has two children. He was a member of the Russian-French Economic and Trade Council and speaks English and French. He is said to be a passionate jazz-lover.
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