HAMAS (Islamic Resistance Movement)
Weakening the Palestinian Authority was the common goal that for many years united the right in Israel with Hamas in Gaza, and both sides initially benefited from this. As Hamas continued to build its small state, Netanyahu bought calm, continued to expand settlements in the West Bank, and made the two-state solution seem even more unrealistic.
With Israeli troops pulling back under a ceasefire that began Friday 10 October 2025, Hamas moved quickly to reassert its own authority across the devastated Gaza Strip. As the ceasefire began and Israeli forces withdrew behind the so-called yellow line that now cuts the shattered territory in half, Hamas issued a mobilisation order calling on 7,000 members of its security forces to "cleanse" Gaza of outlaws and collaborators. the fact that Hamas was quickly able to put thousands of armed men back on the streets as Israeli troops withdrew showed that the group was still a force to be reckoned with.
Fawaz Gerges, professor of international relations at the London School of Economics, said 17 October 2025 “Many people in Gaza want stability, they want security, they want to begin the process of healing and recovery – security is the most fundamental goal. And what Hamas is trying to do is show people in Gaza that it has the capacity to provide residents with security and stability, to prevent thugs and looters and other clans from disrupting law and order in the Strip.”
Gerges said the fact that Hamas was quickly able to put thousands of armed men back on the streets as Israeli troops withdrew showed that the group was still a force to be reckoned with. “Regardless of how we view Hamas’s actions from the outside, its actions show that – despite all the losses that it has suffered in the two years or so, despite the hammering by the Israeli military machine – Hamas continues to have a sizeable manpower who could easily mobilise and dominate the scene,” he said. “And it shows that there is no other armed group in Gaza that could challenge Hamas’s hegemony and control.”
Gerges said that while Israel’s brutal retaliation for the October 7 attacks had cost the militant group a great deal of its popular support, Hamas’s resilience after two years of bombardment showed that the group still has deep roots in the besieged Gaza Strip. “How do you replace a dominant social movement like Hamas in the Strip without an inclusive Palestinian-led political process? Hamas is a social movement, a movement that has been around since the 1980s. You cannot just eliminate Hamas overnight,” he said.
“The idea of getting rid of Hamas is wishful thinking,” he continued. “Hamas is not an alien creature, it has not fallen from the sky – it’s an integral part of the social fabric. As long as there is Israeli military occupation, there will be Hamas – there will be Hamas in Gaza and the West Bank and East Jerusalem and beyond. Because the identity of Hamas is armed struggle against Israeli military occupation.”
Hamas did not want reconciliation with Israel. They didn't believe in power-sharing with Fatah, because Hamas's political vision precludes coexistence with others. On October 2, 2009, Damascus-based Hamas politburo chief Khaled Meshaal said the following in a speech commemorating the anniversary of the liberation of Jerusalem from the Crusaders by 12th-Century Islamic leader Saladin (Salah al Din): "As the Crusaders' occupation of Jerusalem ended, the occupation of the city by the Zionists will end.... [J]ust as the Crusaders failed over many decades to falsify the facts of history and geography, so too do the Zionists today fail to falsify their claim to history, the land, and geography. Palestine and Jerusalem will remain Arab and Islamic, God willing."
There are two major political currents within the "HAMAS (in Arabic, an acronym for "Harakat Al-Muqawama Al-Islamia" -- Islamic Resistance Movement -- and a word meaning courage and bravery): a nationalist current, consisting of many moderates who might be willing to compromise, and ideologues influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood, with whom compromise was impossible. HAMAS, which includes military and political wings, was formed by the late Sheik Ahmad Yasinat at the onset of the first Palestinian uprising or Intifadah in late 1987, as an outgrowth of the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood.
The armed element, called the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, conducts anti-Israeli attacks, including suicide bombings against civilian targets inside Israel. Social-political elements engage in "Dawa" or ministry activities, which include running charities and schools, fund-raising and political activities. A Shura council based in Damascus, Syria, sets overall policy. Since winning Palestinian Authority (PA) elections in 2006, HAMAS has taken control of significant PA ministries, including the Ministry of Interior. HAMAS formed an expanded, overt militia called the Executive Force, subordinate to the Ministry.
Hamas contained within its ranks factions supportive of al-Qaeda globally, and locally sympathetic to Salafist Islamist Abdel Latif Mousa, who died in the course of a raid by Hamas security forces on the Rafah mosque he commandeered in August 2009. Despite Hamas action against Mousa, Ahmad Ja'bari and his third-generation military wing retained ties to a number of radical Islamist groups inside the Gaza Strip, including the Dughmush clan, the Army of Islam, the Popular Resistance Committees, and the Nasser Salah al-Din Brigade. No effective nationalist (as opposed to Islamist) competition to Hamas exists inside the Gaza Strip. Other nationalist forces cannot confront Hamas because of its military capabilities. Hamas has assumed total control in Gaza, and even Fatah has no strength to fight Hamas.
Political Role
On January 26, 2006, Hamas won a stunning victory in the Palestinian parliamentary elections that gave it a decisive majority in the legislature. Election officials say Hamas won 76 of the 132 seats in parliament, while the Fatah party, which had dominated Palestinian politics for decades, secured only 43. By winning a significant majority in parliament, Hamas was in a strong position to oppose negotiations with Israel and support a greater role for Islam in the everyday life of Palestinians.
Immediately after the election, the Middle East Quartet (the United States, Russia, the European Union (EU), and the United Nations) indicated that assistance to the PA would only continue if Hamas renounced violence, recognized Israel, and accepted previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements, which Hamas refused to do. As a result, in early April 2006, the United States and the EU announced they were halting assistance to the Hamas-led PA government (humanitarian aid would continue to flow through international and non-governmental organizations). The EU has been the PA's largest donor since it was created in 1996 under the Oslo peace accords. At the same time, Israel began withholding about $50 million in monthly tax and customs receipts that it collects for the PA. In 2005, international assistance and the Israeli-collected revenues together accounted for about two-thirds of PA revenues. In addition, the PA lost access to banking services and loans as banks around the world refused to deal with the fear of running afoul of U.S. anti-terrorism laws and being cut off from the U.S. banking system.
The resulting fiscal crisis left the Hamas-led government unable to pay wages regularly and deepened poverty levels in the Palestinian territories. The government was forced to rely on shrinking domestic tax revenues and cash that Hamas officials carried back from overseas. Press reports indicated that much of this cash emanated from Iran. By the end of 2006, tensions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip were rising as living conditions deteriorated and PA employees, including members of the security forces, went unpaid for weeks or months. Armed supporters of Fatah and Hamas clashed repeatedly, trading accusations of blame, settling scores, and drifting into lawlessness. More than 100 Palestinians were killed in the violence.
After months of intermittent talks, on February 8, 2007, Fatah and Hamas signed an agreement to form a national unity government aimed at ending both the spasm of violence and the international aid embargo that followed the formation of the initial Hamas-led government. The accord was signed by PA President and Fatah leader Mahmoud Abbas and Hamas political leader Khalid Mish'al in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, after two days of talks under the auspices of Saudi King Abdullah. Under the agreement, Ismail Haniyeh of Hamas remained prime minister. In the new government, Hamas controled nine ministries and Fatah six, with independents and smaller parties heading the remainder. Among the independents are Finance Minister Salam Fayyad, an internationally respected economist, and Foreign Minister Ziad Abu Amr, a reformer and ally of President Mahmoud Abbas.
The marriage was short lived, however, as tensions between the rival Palestinian factions escalated. The new government was still unable to lift the economic embargo and living conditions continued to deteriorate. As each side jockeyed for position during the ensuing power struggle, fighting finally broke out in May. A series of cease fires could not stem the violence and by June turmoil had gripped the cities. The streets became the scenes of gruesom public executions and local government officials were forced to shut down businesses, schools, and public offices. As the situation worsened President Abbas sacked Prime Minister Haniyeh and dissolved the government on June 14, 2007. After he declared a state of emergency Abbas swore in a new cabinet under the leadership of Salam Fayyad on June 17, 2007. Ismail Haniyeh said he planned to ignore the decree issued by Abbas and would continue to operate as if his government were still in place; but the international community threw its support behind Abbas. In addition to receiving the backing of the Arab League and the European Union, both Israel and the United States announced that they were prepared to lift the financial and economic sanctions against the PA since a new government had been formed bereft of Hamas.
In an apparent move to ease tensions in Gaza with a gesture toward unity in the Palestinian liberation movement and efforts to garner support from Gulf Arab states and Egypt, on 01 May 2017 Hamas released a new charter that took a softer stance on negotiations with Israel while still backing the right of oppressed peoples' to wage armed resistance. The new statement accepted a future Palestinian state based on 1967 borders in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, a longstanding goal of its main political rival within the Palestinian Liberation Organization, the Fatah movement, led by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
While it continued to refuse to recognize the state of Israel, it distinguished between the group’s objection to Zionism rather than Jewish people. It also cut off its association with the Muslim Brotherhood, as Gulf Arab states and Egypt both label the Brotherhood as a terrorist organization.
Israeli authorities, however, rebuked the news, stating that while the PLO's more radical wing is willing to take steps toward peace, Israel continued to insist on a maintaining a hostile stance toward the occupied territories and a potential peace process. "Hamas is attempting to fool the world but it will not succeed," said David Keyes, a spokesman for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
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