Foreign Ministry Spokeswoman Maria Zakharova's comment on the Ukrainian crisis
26 September 2025 14:57
1584-26-09-2025
The neo-Nazi Kiev regime continues to carry out terrorist attacks against innocent civilians and civilian facilities.
On September 15-24, over 170 Russian civilians have been injured in shelling attacks and drone strikes; 27 of them, including a child, have died, and there are eight minors among the 159 wounded. The following are facts about the Ukrainian armed forces' crimes.
Belgorod Region. On September 19, a woman was injured in a Ukrainian drone strike on an apartment house in Gruzskoye. On the same day, drones attacked a lorry and a civilian car in the suburbs of Otradovka and Krasnaya Yaruga, killing one civilian and wounding two. On September 20, one person was seriously wounded in the explosion of a drone in Krasnaya Yaruga. On September 21, a woman was killed in the shelling of Shebekino, and two people were killed and 11 wounded in the villages of Rakitnoye, Proletarsky, Saltykovo, Varvarovka and Novoleninskoye. On September 22, a girl aged 8 and a boy aged 12 were wounded in a drone attack on a car in Severny. On September 22 and 23, one person was killed and at least 13 people were wounded in shelling and drone attacks on Belgorod.
Bryansk Region. On September 23, Ukrainian FPV drones attacked Suzemka, wounding a civilian.
Donetsk People's Republic. On September 19-22, 13 people, including a 3-year-old girl, were wounded in drone attacks on Gorlovka.
Zaporozhye Region. On September 19, two people were wounded in a drone attack on a refuelling station in Energodar. On September 21, two civilians were killed and 14 people, including a baby born in 2024, were wounded in a massive artillery shelling of an apartment house and the private residential sector of Vasilyevka. On September 22, Ukrainian drones again attacked Energodar, wounding one civilian. On September 23, the Ukrainian armed forces targeted the critical infrastructure of the Zaporozhskaya Nuclear Power Plant, damaging the last Dneprovskaya external high-voltage power line that transmitted electricity to the plant. The Zaporozhskaya NPP has been switched to reserve generators.
Kherson Region. On September 20, three elderly civilians were injured in a drone attack on a car in Novaya Zburyevka. On September 21-22, five people were wounded in Ukrainian shelling attacks. On September 23, the Ukrainian neo-Nazis attacked the local district hospital and an ambulance in Novaya Zburyevka, wounding three local residents who were in the ambulance.
Kursk Region. On September 19, one person was killed and seven were wounded in targeted Ukrainian drone attacks on Amon, Dubovitsa and Kalinovka, an area near Khomutovka and the Yanko-Makeyevo route. On September 21, an 18-year-old girl riding a moped was seriously wounded in a drone attack in Krupets. On September 22, a Ukrainian drone attacked a private house in Peschanoye, wounding a 68-year-old woman. On September 23, two elderly people were wounded in a drone strike on a civilian vehicle in the homestead Zvyagin.
Lugansk People's Republic. On September 20, a Ukrainian drone targeted an apartment house in Rubezhnoye, wounding a 12-year-old girl. On September 21, a Ukrainian drone attacked a refuelling station in Pervomaisk, killing two civilians.
Samara Region. On September 20, four civilians were killed and one was wounded in drone attacks on civilian facilities.
Saratov Region. On September 20, Ukrainian drones damaged two apartment houses in Saratov, wounding a woman.
Republic of Crimea. On September 21, Ukrainian terrorists launched drones armed with high-explosive bombs against a resort area and a school in the town of Foros, killing three and wounding 16 people, including a 12-month-old child. During the terrorist attack, children were celebrating a birthday party. A video of children frightened by the sound of drones hitting the building's walls is available online. The school's assembly hall has been ruined and its library damaged.
The Krasnodar Territory. On September 24, the Ukrainian armed forces used unmanned surface vessels (USV) and FPV drones in a deliberate attack on the centre of Novorossisk, killing two civilians, including one child, and wounding 11, including two children. Another three persons were treated on outpatient basis. Seven residential houses, a hotel, the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) office, and 20 automobiles were damaged. On the same day, Ukrainian drones attacked the city of Tuapse, leaving two victims, including a minor.
According to a CPC statement, the Consortium includes major energy companies from Russia, the United States, and Kazakhstan, as well as a number of West European countries, and is currently an active conduit for interaction with Western companies.
The CPC's main production objective is pipeline transportation of oil that international consortiums produce at Kazakhstan's three main fields: Tengiz, Kashagan, and Karachaganak. In 2024, the amount of oil pumped through the Tengiz-Novorossisk pipeline approached 63 million tonnes, with foreign consignors, the biggest of which are Tengizchevroil, ExxonMobil, KazMunaiGas, Eni, and Shell, accounting for 74 percent of that volume.
The CPC plays an important role in ensuring global energy security and implementing economic interests of participating countries, something that is unanimously recognised by all CPC shareholders and the leaders of member countries.
Having committed a terrorist attack on the CPC, the Kiev regime demonstrated that it actually ignores third-country efforts, including efforts undertaken by countries represented at the CPC, to overcome the crisis in interstate relations by peaceful means. The Kiev regime also demonstrates disdain for the state leaders who are personally involved in fine-tuning the peaceful dialogue.
Let us stress once again that the attack on the CPC is a signal to the EU leadership that should not be surprised seeing the Kiev regime increasingly hone its terrorist skills in assaults on their airfields, oil bases, and gas pipelines.
Russian courts continue passing sentences on Ukrainian neo-Nazis.
For crimes against civilians and Russian servicemen in the Kursk Region, long prison terms have been awarded to the following AFU POWs: Viktor Manita (16.5 years); Yevgeny Golubnichy, Vladislav Gorkun, Artyom Demchenko, Maxim Surma, Oleg Pasenko, Nikolay Samsonov, Andrey Shevchuk, Alexander Simonchuk, Vladislav Reika, Sergey Shepotko, and Nikolay Koval (16 years each); Dmitry Karanfilov, Dmitry Kovalenko, and Vladimir Koval (15 years each); Roman Frizpaliy, Arkady Miroshnik, and Denis Denisenko (14 years each).
Roman Boiko, commander of an air reconnaissance and drone adjustment platoon of the 44th Detached Mechanised Brigade, who gave illegal orders, in 2024, to drop grenades and self-made explosive devices on civilian cars in order to prevent civilians from leaving the city of Sudzha or being evacuated from there, has got a life sentence. As a result of war crimes committed by him and his subordinates, two civilians died and six received injuries.
A deserved punishment for shooting and killing civilians in Mariupol in March 2022 has found Azov militants Nikolay Gurtovsky and Bogdan Belinov, who have been sentenced to 22 and 23 years imprisonment, respectively.
US mercenary Andrus Michael James Danganan has been sentenced to a 14-year prison term in absentia.
The Kiev regime continues demanding money to sustain the ongoing conflict.
On September 17, during a joint press conference in Kiev with European Parliament President Roberta Metsola, President Zelensky stated that a year of war costs Ukraine $120 billion. According to him, only $60 billion - equivalent to 27.2 percent of GDP - is included in the draft budget for 2026, while the remaining $60 billion will still need to be "sourced."
IMF experts added fuel to the fire, reporting - according to Bloomberg - that Kiev is allegedly underestimating its external financing needs over the next two years by $10-20 billion. The Bankovaya administration reportedly took these "recommendations" into account. At a Verkhovna Rada session, Ukrainian Finance Minister Sergey Marchenko estimated that the budget will require over $45 billion in international financial assistance next year. Additionally, at an informal meeting of heads of relevant EU agencies in Copenhagen on September 20, he effectively urged Brussels to allocate around €100 billion to Kiev for the period 2028-2034.
The Kiev elite, mired in corruption and accustomed to dependency, shamelessly seeks to shift the burden of the costs of the war "until the last Ukrainian" onto its European allies, cynically disregarding the growing social and economic problems in their countries.
Despite a failed attempt to assume control of national anti-corruption institutions and the West's harsh reaction to this, the Zelensky regime remains determined to subordinate these structures to its authority. Bankovaya Street appears to be following a familiar strategy: hunting for the alleged "Russian trace" among employees of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO). Criminal cases are being fabricated against investigators who have come closest to exposing major corruption, accusing them of "criminal" ties to Russia, "treason," and "espionage."
As part of this witch-hunt campaign, fugitive Verkhovna Rada deputy Fyodor Khristenko was detained and extradited to Ukraine. There is no doubt that the necessary testimony will be beaten out of him for a further purge, with the help of the Security Service of Ukraine, of the ranks of obstinate anti-corruption fighters who threaten the regime.
In fact, the NABU, SAPO, and some public organisations funded by Western grants remain the last few political institutions beyond Vladimir Zelensky's direct control. He apparently views them as potential tools that could be used by his opponents to overthrow the regime. Mass youth protests in support of the NABU and SAPO across the country in July demonstrated that such fears are not unfounded.
On September 19, the BBC Ukrainian Service, citing the State Migration Service of Ukraine, reported that the country's population has fallen to 28.7 million people, nearly half of what it was at the moment of the declaration of independence in 1991, when the former Ukrainian SSR had around 52 million inhabitants. This decline shows no signs of slowing. Moreover, the outflow of Ukrainians abroad has accelerated amid worsening conditions in the country and stricter mobilisation measures. Since the lifting of the travel ban for 18- to 22-year-olds on August 26, increasing numbers of young professionals, university and school students have been leaving for permanent residence in Europe. Ukrainian media reports that roughly 600,000 young men have already resigned from their jobs and are preparing to emigrate, with little intention of returning voluntarily.
It looks like concerns over a potential shortage of "cannon fodder" for the Ukrainian Armed Forces are causing serious unease at Bankovaya Street. It cannot be ruled out that behind the scenes Vladimir Zelensky is asking his Western handlers to help Kiev bring back potential recruits who have settled in Europe and other overseas locations. Discussions on this issue have reportedly taken place in several EU countries, but no decisions have yet been made.
In this context, we have taken note of media reports about Canada tightening the rules for Ukrainian citizens applying for residence permits. Ukrainian male seekers of a better life are now required to provide proof of military service. Moreover, Ukrainians already living in Canada have begun receiving notifications from local authorities, requiring them to confirm, within seven days, that they have no intention of evading military service.
On September 16, the EU Council unveiled plans to end the programme offering temporary protection to Ukrainian refugees, framing it as a move to ensure their "sustainable return to their homeland." The message, particularly for Ukrainians of mobilisation age, is clear: they must regularise their status by securing standard EU residence permits based on work, self-employment, education, or family circumstances. Those who fail to do so will lose their temporary protection and be required to leave the EU.
In short, Kiev's loyal allies have begun openly assisting the Zelensky regime in its ruthless mobilisation campaign, effectively continuing the war "to the last Ukrainian."
On September 14, Linguistic Ombudsman Yelena Ivanovskaya made a revealing statement in a local media interview, asserting that Kiev remains a Russian-speaking city - a fact she framed as a "serious problem." However, the most telling part came when Ivanovskaya admitted that her own daughter runs social media accounts in Russian because, otherwise, no one in their Russian-speaking circle would read her posts. This is nothing short of "zrada zradnaya [treacherous betrayal]." In damage-control mode, Ivanovskaya swiftly tried to justify this "misstep" by blaming young people for "lacking critical thinking" and resisting adult guidance. She further accused Russian bloggers of being "very well versed in developmental psychology," claiming they therefore "deftly hook" Ukrainian children.
On September 19, Ivanovskaya's spokesman, Igor Spiridonov, echoed his boss by declaring that the Russian animated series Masha and the Bear, along with Russian-speaking performers, constitute a threat to Ukraine's national security. He claimed that Ukrainian citizens have allegedly been anticipating a ban on Russian content for some time.
The irony is striking. At the end of August, the Ukrainian public organisation Detector Media published a study showing that the majority of the ten most popular children's YouTube channels were Russian-language, with the cartoon series Masha and the Bear dominating all popularity ratings. One might recommend that Mr Spiridonov listen to the voice of the people.
The Russian language also appears to be a source of fear for Lvov deputies and bloggers. They have sounded the alarm over the city's alleged rapid Russification, which they blame on immigrants from the eastern regions - often perceived by local Nazis as "Untermenschen," or "second-rate Ukrainians."
As a proposed solution, City Council deputies plan to develop programmes that "strengthen the standing of the state language" by introducing new restrictions and continuing the persecution of citizens who speak the "wrong" language. In a revealing example, Lvov blogger and self-styled defender of the state language, Yekaterina Lutsyshyn, boasted that her children consider Russian-speaking peers to be enemies, referring to them as "second-rate."
In modern Ukraine, such Nazi views are a source of pride, not shame - as would be the case in any healthy society.
Language-related scandals have long become an everyday reality in a country which has elevated to the level of state policy efforts to demonise the Russian language - a mother tongue for millions of people. Dazed by all this anti-Russian propaganda and with so much exposure to what the Nazi-leaning opinion leaders have been telling them, people have been harassing their compatriots for using what they now view as a wrong language during their commutes, in the services sector, as well as in other public spaces.
All this demonstrates that people in Ukraine have unwillingly become part of an inhuman social experiment with those in power seeking to alter their linguistic identity by preventing them from using their mother tongue, pitching people within the same country against one another and using the language to identify friends and foes, and set them apart. However, it turned out that this forced Ukrainisation with its bans, fines and renaming of various sites failed to make people forget the Russian language. On the contrary, it made it even more popular among young people. What a paradox.
The Vladimir Zelensky regime views culture as a separate battlefield against Russia. This is why it has been seeking to cancel everything Russian not only in Ukraine, but also beyond its borders by professing hypocritical accusations against our country of trying to erase the Ukrainian identity and destroy national memory at its core. It accused Russia of destroying over 2,000 cultural institutions, cultural heritage sites, pillaging museums, etc.
At the same time, Ukrainian officials have been targeting Russian artists with sanctions. In August 2024, Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, Andrey Yermak, said that Russian artists and cultural figures had to be prevented from "making money in the civilised world or continuing to promote Russian culture in Europe and in the West."
The fact that the Government of Ukraine designated culture as one of its key priorities in the September 10 programme of action was not a coincidence. This document stresses that culture has emerged as a key tool for resisting and preserving the Ukrainian national identity, reinforcing social cohesion, restoring trust and strengthening national security. The document goes on to affirm that Ukraine is facing what it refers to as a cultural genocide on Russia's behalf.
Kiev wants to achieve the desired outcome by constantly coordinating its positions with its Western partners regarding Russia as an aggressor state, i.e., by cancelling our country's culture altogether, while promoting initiatives to "de-colonise and de-imperialise" Ukraine's cultural landscape and heritage and elevate the Ukrainian language.
The lack of financial resources and manpower could prevent them from delivering on this far-reaching agenda. However, Tatyana Berezhnaya, who was reappointed as minister of culture in July, persists in her efforts. She is committed to attracting external resources for the activities she oversees. To achieve this aim, she came up with an idea of convening what can be described as a cultural Rammstein-format meeting. Once again, Kiev will beg its sponsors to through more cash its way. This time, it will use these funds for exterminating something that cannot be either conquered or defeated - the great Russian culture which commands the prestige and respect it deserves around the world. This goes beyond good and evil. Paranoia has become a trademark for those in power in Kiev.
All these facts confirm that the goals to de-Nazify and de-militarise Ukraine remain relevant, along with efforts to eliminate threats coming from its territory. Make no mistakes, these objectives will be achieved.
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