26 May 2000
Text: Helms Statement on Relations Between Russia and Serbia
(Says he will introduce legislation to cut U.S. aid to Russia) (1,250) As a consequence of Russia's support for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Jesse Helms, says he will introduce legislation to cut U.S. aid to the Russian Federation. Helms issued a statement May 25 denouncing Russia for hosting Yugoslav Defense Minister Dragolub Ojdanic -- an indicted war criminal -- and for agreeing to provide assistance to Serbia while at the same time seeking relief from its own debts to international financial institutions. "I sincerely believe that a partnership with Russia is possible and indeed, would serve the interests of both countries," Helms said. "A strategy of engagement, however, cannot and must not ignore reality. Partnership cannot occur when Russia blatantly supports a regime that continues to threaten stability in the Balkans, whose calling cards are ethnic cleansing and political repression, and that continues to threaten U.S. soldiers in the field." Following is the text of his statement: (begin text) United States Senate Washington, D.C. May 25, 2000 STATEMENT OF SENATOR JESSE HELMS (REPUBLICAN OF NORTH CAROLINA) CHAIRMAN, U.S. SENATE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SERBIA MAY 25, 2000 MR. HELMS: Mr. President [President of the Senate], one of the myths dear to President Clinton's heart these days is that the government of Russia has been "a supportive and reliable partner in the effort to bring peace and stability to [the] Balkans." That myth was shattered once again this month when a war criminal indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, ICTY, was hosted in Moscow -- not by Russia's criminal underworld -- but by the Kremlin itself. General Dragolub Ojdanic, Minister of Defense of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, visited Moscow for nearly a week earlier this month, from May 7 - 12, 2000. He was there as a guest of the government of the Russian Federation and enjoyed the privilege of attending President Vladimir Putin's inauguration ceremonies. As Slobodan Milosevic's military Chief of Staff during the Kosovo war, General Ojdanic was directly responsible for the Serbian military's ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo. For this, the General was indicted by the ICTY for crimes against humanity and violations of the laws and customs of war for alleged atrocities against Albanians in Kosovo. Mr. President, the ICTY has issued international warrants for General Ojdanic's arrest and extradition to The Hague. The Russian Federation, a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council which established the ICTY, has an obligation to arrest General Ojdanic and extradite him to The Hague if and when they have the opportunity. But what did President Putin and his regime do when Ojdanic was in Moscow? Instead of arresting and sending him to The Hague, they provided a week of fine food and camaraderie and a privileged seat at the Putin inauguration! What truly disturbs me, Mr. President, is that General Ojdanic's visit was not just for fun. He was there to work -- to reestablish the links between the Milosevic regime and the Kremlin. While in Moscow, he held official talks with Defense Minister Sergeyev, Army Chief of Staff Anatoly Kvashnin, and Foreign Minister Ivanov. On May 16, four days after General Ojdanic's visit to Moscow, Russia announced that it has provided the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milosevic with $102 million of a $150 million loan. The Russian government also announced that it will facilitate the sale to Serbia of $32 million worth of oil, despite the fact that the international community has imposed economic sanctions against the Milosevic regime. I confess that I am impressed by the audacity of Russian President Putin. Here he is, providing the Milosevic regime with over $150 million in economic support while seeking debt relief from the international community and loans from the International Monetary Fund. He is doing this while his country seeks and receives food aid from the United States. What should we conclude from all this? First, President Putin seems comfortable ignoring the requirement to arrest and transfer indicted war criminals to The Hague. I suppose we can just add this to the long list of international obligations Mr. Putin sees fit to disregard. Second, Russia does not share NATO's goals and objectives in bringing peace and stability to the Balkans. If it did, its leaders would not be so brazenly and warmly supporting senior officials of the Milosevic regime. Third, the Kremlin must regard Western, and particularly, U.S. economic assistance and aid to be unconditional. He has evidently concluded that he can conduct his foreign policy with impunity and still count on the West's economic largesse. The fact that the hospitality and support provided to these Serbian war criminals occurs just one month before President Clinton's visit to Moscow shows how little respect Putin has for the policies of the United States. Mr. President, what concerns me most about the relationship between the Kremlin and the Milosevic regime is the threat it poses to our men and women in uniform serving in the Balkans -- and those of our allies. The political support the Kremlin provides Slobodan Milosevic directly jeopardizes the safety and security of American and allied forces deployed in the Balkans. This outreach by Putin to the Milosevic regime only encourages that brutal dictator to continue his policies of destruction in the Balkans. While we are trying to force the Milosevic regime to step down and to turn power over to Serbia's democratic opposition, Russia is signaling to Milosevic that he can survive and even outlast the Alliance -- and that Russia will help him prevail. It is for these reasons, that I plan to introduce an amendment to the foreign operations appropriations bill that will restrict the material and economic assistance the United States provides to the Russian Federation. There is no reason why the United States should be providing Russia loan forgiveness and economic assistance when the Kremlin continues to support a regime in Serbia whose forces directly threaten our troops and those of our allies trying to bring peace to the Balkans. This amendment does four things: First, it reduces assistance obligated to the Russian Federation by an amount equal in value to the loans, financial assistance, and energy sales the Government of the Russian Federation has provided and intends to provide to the Milosevic regime. Second, it ensures U.S. opposition to the extension of financial assistance to Russia from the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and other international financial institutions. Third, it suspends existing programs to Russia provided by the Export-Import Bank and the Overseas Private Investment Corporation. Fourth, it ensures the United States will oppose proposals to provide Russia further forgiveness, restructuring, and rescheduling of its international debt. Mr. President, I sincerely believe that a partnership with Russia is possible and indeed, would serve the interests of both countries. A strategy of engagement, however, cannot and must not ignore reality. Partnership cannot occur when Russia blatantly supports a regime that continues to threaten stability in the Balkans, whose calling cards are ethnic cleansing and political repression, and that continues to threaten U.S. soldiers in the field. I will be pleased to treat Russia as a responsible partner when it behaves as one. (end text) (Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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