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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

DATE=12/2/1999
TYPE=BACKGROUND REPORT
TITLE=RUSSIA / SHOCK THERAPY
NUMBER=5-44890
BYLINE=ANDRE DE NESNERA
DATELINE=WASHINGTON
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
/// Eds: This is the second in an eight-part series on 
Russia.  Among issues to be raised: I-M-F loans, 
President Boris Yeltsin's legacy and NATO-Russia 
relations. ///  
INTRO:  The "Who lost Russia" debate currently under 
way in the United States centers around whether or not 
the West used appropriate policy measures in the early 
1990's to foster economic reforms in that country.  In 
this second of eight reports, former V-O-A Moscow 
Correspondent Andre de Nesnera looks at one of those 
controversial economic policies, so-called "shock 
therapy."   
TEXT:  After the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991 
and the emergence of Russia led by Boris Yeltsin, 
Western economic planners were faced with a key 
question: how do you help move that country from a 
centralized economy to one dominated by a free market?
What emerged in the West as a solution to Russia's 
problem was known as "shock therapy" - a combination 
of measures including liberalizing prices, cutting 
subsidies and stabilizing the country's budget.  Such 
measures were used successfully in Poland and 
advocates of "shock therapy" felt the same could be 
done in Russia.  In the early Nineties, most of the 
policymakers in Moscow - including then-acting Prime 
Minister Yegor Gaidar - felt that was the way to go.   
To this day, experts differ as to whether that 
approach worked.  Some say the measures did  not  go 
far enough; others say Russia got a dose of "shock" 
and no "therapy." 
Harvard University's Marshal Goldman believes Russia 
should have undertaken economic reforms in a much more 
gradual way.
            /// GOLDMAN ACT /// 
      In part because the assumption was that Russia 
      had institutions in place that could absorb 
      these changes, that could react to these changes 
      much as happened in Poland. And my feeling - my 
      very strong feeling - was that these 
      institutions were not in place. After 70 years 
      of communism, they had all been eliminated. So 
      when you brought in money or you expected prices 
      to change, what you had is not a competitive 
      system, as the advocates of that approach had 
      assumed would be the case. What you ended up 
      with was monopoly and the oligarchs and the 
      controls and the distortions and a very strong 
      feeling that you could steal from the state and 
      there would be no price to pay for that.
            /// END ACT /// 
But other experts disagree with the view that Russia 
needed gradual, slow-paced reforms.  One of them is 
Ariel Cohen - a Russia expert with the Heritage 
Foundation research center (in Washington)- who says 
"shock therapy" was not an unmitigated disaster. 
            /// COHEN ACT /// 
      Yes indeed, it resulted in high inflation and 
      the savings that were not indexed were wiped 
      out. On the other hand, Russia was facing famine 
      at the time - this is 1992: the shelves in the 
      stores were empty and as a result of freeing of 
      prices, the market reached equilibrium and the 
      shelves filled, the stores filled very, very 
      fast. This broke the backbone of the central 
      distribution system that the USSR was practicing 
      for over 60 years at the time and it was a 
      necessary measure. All the alternatives of slow 
      economic reform that were undertaken in 
      countries like Romania and Ukraine, showed that 
      as a result, the corruption was even greater and 
      the macro-economic results were not necessarily 
      better.
            /// END ACT /// 
Whether or not "shock therapy" worked - or was even 
implemented to its fullest - Russia's experience with 
it was short-lived.  By December 1992, radical reforms 
were on the way out.  So was acting Prime Minister 
Yegor Gaidar. And since then, Russia has  not  had a 
consistent economic policy. Successive Russian 
governments have wavered: moving in the direction of 
reforms, then putting on the brakes. 
Jack Matlock was the last U-S Ambassador to the Soviet 
Union. A long-time Russian scholar, he says during 
those first years following the end of communist rule, 
Western economic planners knew very little about the 
challenges they were to face in trying to tackle 
Russia's problems.
            /// MATLOCK ACT /// 
      There were  no  sure bets. Nobody had a road 
      map. Of course, we understood generally where we 
      would like Russia to be and where most Russians 
      wanted to be. But nobody knew how to move from 
      where they were to where they needed to be. And 
      this was an enormous task. There was no roadmap 
      and everybody knows that when you are doing 
      something new, a lot of mistakes are going to be 
      made. 
            /// END ACT ///
Many analysts say mistakes are inevitable as Russia 
moves ahead toward a market economy.  But experts also 
say the West must continue to help Moscow in that 
difficult transition. (Signed) 
NEB/ADEN/KL
02-Dec-1999 14:16 PM EDT (02-Dec-1999 1916 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America
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