Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

EUROPE

RUSSIA: "Red, Pink, White...."

Reformist Izvestiya (9/17) front-paged this commentary by Andrei Kolesnikov and Sergei Chugayev: "Such is the composition of the Primakov cabinet, now in the making, that it is hard to tell whether it is 'red', 'pink' or 'white.' But it definitely shares one quality with all the previous cabinets (except for the Gaidar and Kiriyenko Cabinets)--checks and balances at the vice premier level. Under the circumstances, this approach seems justified. But it is unclear whether this government will be effective and have solid political support, its members so vastly different in their political affiliations."

"One-Man Political System"

Aleksandr Konovalov, president of an institute for strategic assessments, stated in centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta (9/17): "Russia's is a one-man political system. Its dependence on that man, the state of his health and his boundless power is dangerous. He belongs to no political party and is responsible to no one for what he is doing. Also, he appoints a premier, and it is the premier, not a party or a coalition of parties, who forms a government. You cannot expect such a government to pursue a consistent policy adopted and supported by a majority of voters. So this will have to be changed, along with the Constitution, after we clear the mess in the economy."

"Back To G-7-Plus-1 Formula"

Dmitry Gornostayev commented in centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta (9/17) on relations between the world's leading industrialized nations and Russia: "We are about to return to the G-7, a formula for which credit must go to Mikhail Gorbachev, not Boris Yeltsin. As the Seven met without us again, it considered what to do with us and whether it should do anything at all. It looks as if it is ready to write us off as a world-class player."

"Time to Pressure Moscow"

Dmitry Yuryev wrote in centrist daily Nezavisimaya Gazeta (9/17): "A special adviser to Madeleine Albright, Stephen Sestanovich, speaking in a Senate commission, was critical of measures like an increased money supply and price and wages control and recommended that Moscow should focus on tax collection, budget control, improving the investment climate and combatting corruption. Basically, all that coincides with the position expressed by the Big Seven at its meeting in London recently. Maybe it is early yet to speak of Washington putting pressure on Moscow as far as its economic policy is concerned. But if it, really, were to use pressure, it would do so now when the new government and the Central Bank in Moscow have yet to make their final decision and announce it publicly."

"Yevgeny Primakov's Indian Summer"

Columnist Alexander Bekker observed in the reformist Vremya-MN (9/16): "History has saddled Yevgeny Primakov with a role that is extremely difficult to perform. Politically the premier's calendar shows the Indian summer.... One shouldn't have any illusions about the current trends of the ruble exchange rate and the slow, almost reluctant, decline of prices. The worst is soon to come. Without being able (any more than anyone else) to define the term "regulated emission" the government and the Central Bank will try to funnel finances into the economy in installments. That is, while increasing money supply, to see to it that prices do not gallop out of sight. Apparently, given a measure of professional vigilance and skillful actions to keep down panic among the public, the country has 4-5 months in order to gird itself for the first wave of hyperinflation."

"Carte Blanche"

Otto Latsis wrote on page one of reformist Noviye Izvestiya (9/12): "The chief problem of the reform governments is that all of them lacked political resources to carry out unpopular measures. Hard decisions were put off until 'better times.' But only 'worse times' came, and the hard decisions became even harder. Primakov does not have such a problem. He has no presidential ambition, it seems, and, as premier, has carte blanche. As he has stayed out of economics in the reform period, he is not responsible for his predecessors' real and imagined sins. The main thing now is for him to hold out against lovers of fishing in troubled waters."

"End Of Era"

Igor Kirillov stated on page one of reformist, business-oriented Kommersant Daily (9/12): "A new premier and a new political reality have emerged. Russia has ceased to be a presidential republic to become a parliamentary one. This, in effect, is a constitutional coup. After several years of trying, the opposition has finally pushed Boris Yeltsin to the sidelines of political life. The Duma and government have become the key players. But the Kremlin is totally wrong if it thinks that the Duma will settle for that. With the government taken away from Yeltsin, the Kremlin may follow. There is nothing now to stop the opposition from forcing the president to step down. The bad thing is not his resignation--after all, he has outlived himself, as a politician. The bad thing is that the financial and economic elite may merge with the Communists."

"Red Menace Again"

Centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta (9/12) front-paged this comment by Tatyana Koshkareva and Rustam Narzikulov: "Russia's government has aged by a couple of decades overnight, physiologically--it is essential that it should not age politically.... A new red menace is facing crisis-ravaged Russia. As 81 years ago, clever, voluble and educated Duma deputies are leading this country to a dictatorship. Again, the population has no part in deciding its own destiny. Yesterday a narrow circle of MPs, in a mere couple of hours, with smiles and snickers, adopted decisions critical to Russia's social-political and economic system. Obviously, it deserves better."

"Politics Prevail Over Economics"

Sergei Chugayev said on page one of reformist Izvestiya (9/11): "The president's choice is strictly political. The struggling economy has nothing to do with it. Without a doubt, the Duma will approve Primakov, but its standoff with the president is not over, and will unfold in a way unfavorable to Yeltsin. His first concession made, more will follow, as he will gradually depart from power. So, by the end of next year, Primakov may have to act as the head of state, as well as premier."

"Politicial Premier"

Sergei Agafonov commented on page one of reformist Noviye Izvestiya (9/11): "All factions, except the LDP (Liberal Democrats), welcome Primakov in his hitherto unknown capacity, a political premier. It is quite new and attests to a quiet constitutional coup. The good thing about Primakov, which has endeared and united even the staunchest opponents of all, is that he has no special ambition."

"Leftist Revanche"

Yevgeny Yuryev remarked in reformist Segodnya (9/11): "It is not the end of a leftist revanche. It is only the beginning."

GERMANY: "Russia Will Now Listen Increasingly Less To West"

Werner Adam remarked in right-of-center Frankfurter Allgemeine (9/17): "From the new prime minister, the previous planners of the command economy, the former Soviet economic experts such as Bogolmov and Albanin--these men from the times of perestroika are supposed to accomplish something which they were unable to achieve in the past and that even the reformers from the younger generation were unable to bring about. This does not mean a 'return of the Red,' as Russian newspapers are now saying, but a rejection of Western proposals about the path from a command to a market economy. The call for a strong hand, not controlled by markets, is understandable in view of the wild capitalism which has gone along with reform efforts. However, it is ominous to print new money and thus deliberately accept an increase in inflation. The West should now not fool itself: Russia will now listen increasingly less to the West."

"Impossible To Visualize Coherent Economic Policy"

Katja Tichomirowa wrote in left-of-center Berliner Zeitung (9/17): "The cohesion of the Primakov cabinet is fragile even before it has started its work. The distribution of the strategically important portfolios...follows a principle that failed in the past. Primakov is trying to create a balance among those political forces which, according to all prior experience, are blocking each other. Reformer Alexander Sobchin, who will be the future finance minister, is opposed to printing more rubles. His designated Economics Minister Masljukov, however, is backing the demand of the Russian Central Bank to fight the shortage of money by printing more. These facts make it impossible to visualize a coherent economic policy as far as personnel and future programs are concerned. Primakov's government represents the old ambiguity--to the disadvantage of the Russian fatherland."

"Moscow's Problems"

Right-of-center Ostsee-Zeitung of Rostock argued (9/15): "Without the support of the IMF and the World Bank, the new Russian government will not be even halfway able to resolve the current crisis and to continue its program of reforms. The G-7 will make its support conditional solely on the continuation of reforms. But, irrespective of all promises Primakov made concerning the implementation of tough tax and finance policies and an effective economic policy tied to social protections for the downtrodden people, the Communists could really turn into a serious problem. In view of the strengthened Communists, it is increasingly difficult for Moscow to regain its credibility in the world. The second problem is the provinces with their regional governments. The longer the central authority in Moscow is unable to resolve problems in the various regions from Tartastan to Siberia, the more it will lose power. This would have disastrous effects on Russia's reduced power in the world."

"Russia Goes Its Own Way"

H-J. Moeller said in a commentary on national radio station Deutschlandfunk of Cologne (9/12): "We know nothing about the course of the new government. This should be reason to maintain a skeptical wait-and-see attitude including a deferment of debt payments, but no more. As of now, the president is really no longer a partner with whom we can conclude reliable agreements.... The Communists have gained considerable influence...while the democratic forces are weaker than ever. Russia is going its own way--wherever this may lead."

"Russia's New Government"

Right-of-center Berliner Kurier (9/12) argued: "All this means that the Communists will again have a say in the Kremlin. And this is a risk--not only to Russia's credibility.

"The only good thing is that Russia's constitution is becoming more democratic in practice because formerly powerless parliament has now been integrated into a role of responsibility. At least in this respect, Russia has made a step forward."

"Little Will Change"

Klaus Bednarz commented on ARD-TV's (national channel one) late evening newscast Tagesthemen (9/11): "Little will change in Russia since none of the real problems has been resolved.... Russia is economically and socially downtrodden to such a degree that the coming months will result in focusing more on pure survival than on reforms.... For the time being, the international community will remain unable to help. Humanitarian assistance may later be needed, and we should be prepared to provided it."

BRITAIN: "Russia's Reversal"

The independent Financial Times warned (9/17): "Russia's new economic policy direction is becoming ominously clear. Under enormous political pressure, Prime Minister Primakov has apparently decided that his only option is to revert to a program of money printing. It is now hard to see anything but chaos in Russia's future.... The West cannot justify providing Russia with any more funds. The money would undoubtedly be wasted. All that the outside world can do is try to dissuade Russia from the dangerous path it appears to have chosen."

"Primakov Pledges To Keep Reforms"

The conservative Times remarked (9/15): "Yevgeny Primakov, Russia's new prime minister, asserted his new-found authority yesterday, consolidating his government and telling ministers that Russia's reform program would go ahead, but its first priority would be the Russian people.... The new government's constant insistence that unpaid wages are its main priority must have allowed pensioners and state employees to bask more happily in the sunshine, and even Western observers are admitting that there might now be a glimmer of hope for Russia. One thing worrying the West and many Russian reformers is the number of old-style Communists being appointed to Mr. Primakov's government... Mr. Primakov has made a big play of having a free hand to choose his government."

"Soviet Men"

The independent Financial Times had this editorial (9/14): "The appointment of Messrs. Maslyukov and Geraschenko may not be all bad. If, as seems most likely, they preside over another failure, and a further shrinking of the battered Russian economy, it will at least prove there can be no turning back to heavy-handed state intervention.... The Soviet men should be given a chance to put their ideas into effect. If they fail, it may at last clear the way for much more radical market reforms."

"Primakov's Task"

The independent Financial Times said (9/11): "The nomination of Yevgeny Primakov to be Russian prime minister should at least end the vacuum of power in Moscow. Whether he can put together a government capable of pulling the country out of its political and economic crisis is another matter.... Mr. Primakov is a man without pretensions to succeed Mr. Yeltsin, which means he is not a threat to any of the other contenders. But there is no evidence yet to suggest that he has the vision to get the Russian economy out of its hole."

FRANCE: "Giving Primakov A Chance"

Dominique Bromberger on government-funded France Inter Radio pointed out (9/16): "Primakov's former career has taken him to somber places. His taste for the secret service and the KGB is upsetting. Yet, he has always proved to be honest.... If he can be sufficiently pragmatic and if he can consolidate a political union within his government, he may be able to accomplish the impossible. The World Bank and the IMF are ready to give him a chance."

"Liberalism Never Got Started"

Catherine Nay on privately-run Europe One Radio lamented (9/16): "When Primakov was named prime minister, Yeltsin promised there would be 'no turning back.' The West sighed with relief and many interpreted his words to read 'liberalism will continue.' The problem is that liberalism never got started.... Today's collapse does not mean that capitalism failed.... For Russia, two generations will probably be needed before there can be some order."

"Russian Cohabitation And Its Uncertainties"

In right-of-center Le Figaro, Helene Carrere D'Encausse noted (9/15): "More than his past as an apparatchik, it is Primakov's lack of economic and administrative experience that should be of concern.... The cohabitation underway in Russia will pit the two heads of executive power against each other.... Still Yeltsin will retain a great amount of power and will remain the voice of democracy.... While the cohabitation will result in ambiguities, such as between Primakov's declaration that reforms will continue and his nomination of the communist Maslyukov, it has avoided a major clash, at least in the short term."

"Return Of The Politburo"

Gilles Bridier opined in centrist La Tribune (9/14): "The reforms that were never implemented by Yeltsin have no hope of ever being implemented, in spite of Primakov's promises.... Russia's middle class, after having pushed the Communists out of the Kremlin, finds itself face to face with a newly reconstituted politburo.... Worried and at a loss, the same middle class is now wondering how the IMF and the United States will interpret this reversal."

"Primakov: Yeltsin's Trump Card"

Laure Mandeville commented in right-of-center Le Figaro (9/11): "A conservative without being an ideologist, Primakov is a man of the East who speaks to the West. Close to Yeltsin as well as to the communists, he is not an ideal candidate for Russia on the eve of the third millennium. Yet one must recognize that he is agreeable to everyone."

ITALY: "The Worst Is Not Over Yet"

This commentary by Franco Venturini ran in centrist, top-circulation Corriere della Sera (9/13): "The international community should not fool itself that the worst is over in Moscow.... Just like behind Clinton's troubles there is still a strong and prosperous America, similarly behind Primakov's rise to power there is still a devastated and confused Russia--a country which bears the wounds of a month of financial storm, which is the orphan of Western capitalism after experiencing the death of Soviet communism, and which is furthermore threatened by the possible process of the disintegration of its third empire."

"The Shadow Of The Gosplan"

An editorial in provocative, classical liberal daily Il Foglio (9/12) opined: "If Primakov is thinking of a mix between Gosplan (former Soviet committee for planning) and socialist democracy, as the Communists would like, he would condemn Russia to economic chaos and isolationism. Russia, which has a $200 billion debt with Western banks, needs to be credible abroad if it does not want to lose the collaboration of 'capitalists.' Changing an old phrase by Lenin, we can say that Marxists can choose the rope by which they will hang themselves."

"Crisis Is Not Over Yet"

Sandro Viola commented in left-leaning, influential La Repubblica (9/12): "True, Russia now has a government, a government supported by parliament, something unprecedented since the end of the USSR. But this does not mean the end of instability, the end of chaos. And doubts and pessimism stem not only from the perception of an economic and financial crisis of huge dimensions. Doubts about developments in Russia stem from the new political-institutional framework which is emerging after the convulsions of the last few weeks....To believe that a government of national unity now exists in Russia, based on the consensus of all political forces and ready to adopt the austerity measures required by the situation, would be naive to say the least....The real victims of the crisis this time are not the poor. They are the men and women who were trying to create an embryo of a middle class -- the most modern part of post-Communist Russia."

"The Former KGB Chief Liked By The West"

Left-leaning, influential La Repubblica commented (9/11): "On the diplomatic scene, the chief of Russian diplomacy had to work hard before he could count on the confidence of Western governments. His line of action, characterized by a tenacious defense of Russian interests, has often clashed sensationally with that of the United States: in Iraq, in the Balkans, in the Indian sub-continent, where he probably found more points of agreement with European diplomats. Yet recently Primakov was able to overcome Secretary Albright's distrust, participating in a singing duet with her last July."

BELGIUM: "Russia's Future"

Axel Buyse wrote in independent Catholic De Standaard (9/12): "Primakov is old and rumors are circulating about his health. He is likely to be a transitional figure who cools down the crisis, but who will not be a regulating factor in control of the system. It appears that one will now have to wait for new protagonists in the struggle for power--players who, hopefully, will enhance the quality of the 'game' so that Russia finally takes the road towards more democracy..... That is why much hope is vested in a new Duma. Russia's current Chamber of Representatives is a caricature. However, there are individuals like, for instance, Grigory Yavlinsky, who succeeded in turning his social-democratic Yabloko Party into a high-quality faction. If the Russian people do not fail to notice this phenomenon, there will be a chance that the number of clowns and totally corrupt profiteers decreases notably. Consequently, the transformation of Russia into a country with a healthy economy and a state with an acceptable level of democracy will be a long-term affair with much trial and error. However, one did not need to be a prophet so see that."

BULGARIA: "Sigh Of Relief"

Mass-circulation Trud said (9/11): "Yeltsin is not quite Yeltsin any longer. Now, after his second failure to launch Chernomyrdin, Yeltsin preferred to play for even. The first effect of Primakov's nomination is a sigh of relief.

"Zyuganov's adherents showed they would accept the experienced apparatchik, known from the Soviet time, connected directly with the `then intelligence service.' The other effect is that `under the surface' Primnakov means 'Chernomyrdin again.' It is the least risky variant for Yeltsin, for the Duma, for Russian business, and for Clinton who is not quite Clinton either. The political crisis found a comparatively painless solution. However, the domestic peace that is expected to come with Primakov will be elusive.'"

CANADA: "A Chameleon For Russia"

French-language, liberal Le Devoir (9/15) argued: "The outcome of the political crisis in Russia announces a constitutional coup which would reduce the presidency of the dying Boris Yelstin to an honorific role.... Communists are exulting.... Primakov is a chameleon who adapts to anything--from Brezhnev to Gorbachev to Yeltsin.... And it does not look like he is going to show some independence from the Communists who have control his nomination from distance.... Let's be careful, totalitarian danger ahead."

DENMARK: "No Solution For Russia"

Center-right Berlingske Tidende's editorial (9/11): "The appointment of Primakov as prime minister may create temporary parliamentary peace. But a very weak President Yeltsin at the helm; a growing number of regions acting more and more independently; a reform-hostile majority in parliament, and increasing poverty and social unrest everywhere in this enormous country unfortunately indicate that the newly established peace may prove to be the quiet before the storm."

"A Veteran Reaches The Top: The Duma Defeats Yeltsin"

Center-left Politiken's editorial (9/11): "It is unlikely that the political situation in Russia will be completely stable until the country has a new strong president. And one cannot help suspecting that Yeltsin's reluctant surrender of power to a representative of one of the former Soviet Union's powerful ministries represents the beginning of the end to seven years of reform efforts. It is still impossible to predict what the near future will bring. But it is doubtful whether it will bring more attempts at reforms like the ones we have seen in the rest of Eastern Europe."

HUNGARY: "The Four Ways of Primakov's Government"

Influential Magyar Hirlap carried an opinion piece (9/14) by historian Zoltan Sz Biro: "At the moment, 'finding' and mutual acceptance of Primakov can only be considered fortunate in the respect that with this consensus, the collapse of the government can, in principle, be avoided. And, of course, it is also good because the both forces in confrontation were able to get out of the conflict of forming a government so that neither of them had suffered a total failure."

KAZAKHSTAN: "Kazakhstan On The Eve Of A Crisis"

Independent weekly XXI Vyek opined (9/11): "A [real] financial crisis is in sight in Russia. Mainly it has turned out to be a consequence of an inconsistent economic policy and ugly administrative practices. It is obvious that Moscow [has finally] understood that it is high time to change the existing system of governing and that it is must attract [the support of] the political elite [for the change]. The contract between institutions of power that has not yet been signed but that is being intensively discussed, testifies to the fact that [even] the strong presidential hierarchy can't cope with problems of the country [alone]."

FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA: "But Illiterate In Economics"

Centrist, opposition Dnevnik commented (9/11): "Primakov is one of the rare, if not the only Russian politician that maintains good relations with all political parties. On the other hand, it is widely known that he is weak when it comes to the economy, and what Russia needs, in this time of walking on the tight rope over the financial-economic abyss, is an experienced expert in the field. Still, the clutch time did not allow for the discovery of another person that could save Yeltsin's face (and the chair), and at the same time satisfy the communist's appetites."

THE NETHERLANDS: "Primakov A Good Idea"

Centrist Algemeen Dagblad observed (9/11): "Taking into account the chaos in Russia, it was a good idea to nominate Yevgeni Primakov.... He is regarded as being experienced enough to be able to maintain himself in the political mine field between the Duma and the Kremlin.... This nomination, which is a wise compromise, is actually a defeat for Yeltsin...but this defeat might turn out to be a victory for Russia. Primakov is facing a tough task in which confidence is a key word.... He will turn out to be either the savior or he will ruin his reputation."

POLAND: "The United States Of Russia"

Joanna Strzelczyk wrote in right-of-center Zycie (9/12-13): "Russia is not a democratic state. The majority of Russians do not want any democracy at all. In the time of the pauperization of the people and the total mess, all they want is a potent power, a leader who will restore order with a strong hand.... Primakov has not ceased to be a man of special services. With his nomination, these services gain in significance. The political crisis will be overcome, but the economic crisis will continue.... Russia will not break up--no one is interested in this scenario occurring. But we may see the revival of a conflict between the regions and the center over the scope of powers, which might result in Russia's further decentralization."

"Yeltsin's Last Defeat"

Leopold Unger wrote in liberal Gazeta Wyborcza (9/12-13): "Primakov as prime minister is a compromise--a rotten one, but effective. After seven years of democracy, Russia must give the rudder of power to the hands of...a former Soviet dignitary, member of the highest nomenklatura, one of the pillars of the Soviet empire. Primakov's assault' on Moscow's White House shows...that Russia does not have a new political class capable of taking on the responsibility for the fate of the country without seeking help from the people who share accountability for the collapse of Sovietism."

"Moscow's New Hope "

Slawomir Popowski wrote in centrist Rzeczpospolita (9/11): "Will Primakov succeed in stifling the crisis and calming the situation in the country? He has a fair chance. There is much to indicate that Moscow's political class, regardless of [political] orientation, has by itself come to see that further fueling a crisis brings with it the threat of destabilizing the country...or even its break-up. In short, today in Russia, a government is necessary so that the current state of semi-anarchy would not be indefinitely prolonged. Primakov also has a chance because he is basically a compromise candidate. Linked with the old-time special services, and at the same time pragmatic enough, he can be accepted by both the communist opposition...and by a large portion of the current party in power. What is most important, is that for the time being Primakov is not serious competitor for any of the pretenders to the presidency.... Paradoxically, Primakov's nomination--if accepted--could prolong Yeltsin's hopes to survive until the end of his tenure. In practice, nobody in Moscow doubts that Yeltsin has exhausted his capacities and politically is a lame duck. The problem is whether the change [succession of power] will be accomplished in a peaceful and evolutionary manner or by a revolution.

"This question is yet to be answered."

PORTUGAL: "The End Of An Era"

Teresa de Sousa commented in left-of-center Publico (9/12): "In merely economic terms, Russia does not matter much at present. Its GDP is not even equivalent to [that of] a small country like Holland and its external debt, in relative terms, is insignificant for its principal Western creditors. From this perspective, the Russian crisis would not be enough to create panic among international financial markets. However, this [situation] seems more frightening and devastating to the world's stock markets than the Asian crisis and even more than the spectre of a deep Japanese depression. The reason is simple...the West risks losing its most important post-Cold War battle. A successful transition in Russia to something close to a democracy and a market economy was the `cornerstone' on which the `new international order` would be based. The loss of Russia and the risk of drifting towards a closed and perhaps hostile regime means the greatest defeat to the West since the end of the Cold War, and means a real risk of a prolonged international disorder.... Boris Yeltsin is a political corpse ready to abandon the stage, leaving behind a country ready to sink into the abyss. And the more or less moderate nationalism of General Lebed is perhaps the only remaining and sad Western `hope' to avoid an explosion of uncontrollable consequences."

SLOVENIA: "Appropriate Candidate"

Left-of-center Delo opined in a front page editorial (9/11): "If Victor Chernomyrdin was the worst possible candidate (for prime minister) at the worst possible time, the opposite can be said for Yevgeni Primakov. In the present anarchy...it would be hard to find a more appropriate candidate for the thankless position of prime minister.... Primakov is far from being a topmost economist who could save Russia overnight. But he is a skilful diplomat and politician capable of putting together a government, which can overcome the present storm and create normal conditions for a new economic beginning. Of course, he will face intrigues, but--as an old KGB master and...John Le Carre fan--he will certainly be able to overcome them. At least for some time."

SPAIN: "The Primakov Card"

Barcelona's centrist La Vanguardia commented (9/11): "Primakov's past [during the Communist era] is hardly a secret...but there is another Primakov, the individual who has calmly and patiently negotiated all the agreements that have marked Russia's decline vis-a-vis the West since inheriting its Soviet legacy after the Cold War.... This explains why Russian ultra nationalists have criticized his nomination because they view him to be too close to the West, while Western leaders have expressed confidence that Primakov's pragmatism will allow the reforms initiated by Yeltsin to continue."

SWEDEN: "Only Temporary Tranquillity in Russia"

Liberal Dagens Nyheter commented (9/11): "Finally President Boris Yeltsin gave in.... The acute political crisis in Russia is over, Russia will get a government, and will not be thrown into unpredicable chaos.... But one should not breathe a deep sigh of relief. Chaos may have been avoided, and temporary stability may have been obtained. But the need for comprehensive reforms remain."

"A Slight Improvement in Russia"

Conservative Svensksa Dagbladet observed (9/11): "It is a relief that Russia after two weeks of economic and political turmoil finally will get a government.

"And the fact that it was Primakov who the Duma accepted, and not any of the other candidates, should be regarded as a fairly good sign.... But Prime Minister Primakov will be under hard pressure from a surrounding world, which wants continued reforms, and a confused and nostalgic majority in the Duma wanting a strong Russia but opposing the reform policy."

MIDDLE EAST

BAHRAIN: "Russia's Future"

Leading, semi-official Akhbar Al-Khaleej featured this comment (9/12) by Sayed Zuhrah: "The Duma's rejection of Chernomyrdin's nomination was not because of him personally but because of his pro-Western policies which led the country to the deterioration of its economy. The confirmation of Primakov shows that Russia has decided to draw the picture of its future itself and according to its conditions and requirements and not according to those of the West. The truth is nothing is disturbing the West more than allowing Russia to build itself independently."

EAST ASIA

CHINA: "Breathtaking Russian Roulette"

Xing Guangcheng stressed in the official Beijing Morning Post (Beijing Chenbao, 9/13): "There is no winner in the Russian political crisis. Despite having gotten an upper hand, the Duma still failed to force Yeltsin's resignation. Likewise, Yeltsin's morale is noticeably weakened and he dares not confront the Duma directly. Similarly, Primakov, who took up the task in the middle of crisis, is now facing a bumpy road ahead. Will he be fired? Who knows? However, one thing is certain, the biggest victims are the average Russians."

INDONESIA: "Will Primakov Be Able to Continue the Reforms?"

Independent Suara Pembaruan observed (9/14): "Yeltsin seems to have succumbed to realpolitik. To win the Communist-dominated parliament's endorsement, Yeltsin did not appoint liberal market-reform leaders such as Nemtsov or Moscow Mayor Luzhkov...but Primakov...an ally of the Communists. Our question (and the concern of the G-7 countries) is whether Primakov can anticipate the economic problems that are increasingly dragging Russia into the depths of bankruptcy. In our opinion, the prognosis that Primakov will exercise Marxist Socialism with strong government control of the economy is viable. Yet the G-7, which has agreed to help Russia, will still pressure Primakov to continue with reforms and market liberalization."

"Russia Overcomes Political Deadlock While Economic Problems Worsen"

Leading independent Kompas editorialized (9/11): "Electing Primakov as PM surely will not solve Russian political, social and economic problems all at once...his background must be regarded as insufficient to face the challenges in the people's daily lives, especially during a complicated economic crisis."

JAPAN: "Concern Persists Over Russian Crisis"

Top-circulation, moderate Yomiuri had this editorial view (9/13): "On a positive note, the political vacuum that followed Kiriyenko's dismissal has ended, and Russia now has a cabinet to implement policies. But... (a) concern is that Communists have gained a greater say in the new cabinet. Primakov...has already appointed Communist-affiliated politicians to key economic posts. If the Communists take the lead in managing the economy, they will try to change the nation's reformist course by pushing to renationalize companies in key industries.

"Should this happen, the international community will likely suspend financial support, causing friction with Russia."

SOUTH ASIA

BANGLADESH: "New Russia PM"

The centrist English-language Independent had this editorial view (9/14): "With Yevgeny Primakov becoming the new Russian prime minister, it seems the dust of turmoil and controversy that kept the country in a state of uncertainty and the government in limbo will now settle, at least for the time being, though what remains in store is unpredictable.... As things stand now, Primakov will have to tide over the economic crisis that bedevils the state. The world will keenly watch the developments about to take place in the coming weeks. The new Russian prime minister will hopefully be able to detect the root of the problems and tackle them."

INDIA: "Compromise Will Not Solve Economic, Political Problems"

Independent Ananda Bazar Patrika of Calcutta ran this comment by Hari Vasudevan (9/17): "The constitutional crisis in Russia..was not at all unexpected.... The president's powers have in no way been curtailed...in the new circumstance.... The crisis has once again made it clear...how the president's whims still dominate Russia's public life, and how mean and bereft of ideology is its party politics.... The anti-Chernomyrdin alliance is such a coalition which has no goal other than opposing him.... It is precisely because of this that the plight of the common people does not decide the future of Russia's politics. It is only used as an excuse for change.... It does not seem that, as prime minister, he will do anything more than housekeeping. Much of the actual job of 'leadership' will be left to the president and the finance minister. Therefore the compromise which has led to his appointment will in the end solve neither the economic, nor the political problems."

"Dead Man Walking"

An editorial in the centrist Telegraph claimed (9/16): "One thing is clear, there will be no movement forward in the field of economic reform.... The end result will be the eventual discredit of the prime minister.... Mr. Primakov seems destined to contribute little or nothing positive to Russia."

"KGB Okay?"

According to an editorial in the centrist Statesman (9/15): "Primakov is a curious choice.... What Primakov and the Communists put together means that some kind of state control is back. Chernomyrdin hinted at that. And maybe the IMF is out too, since it has been asking for a package of laws that the Duma had already turned down. Yeltsin, now, is not only down, but looking more and more out. The Russia that he built, rather haphazardly, out of the chaos of 1991 is in question."

"A Suitable Boyar"

According to an editorial in the centrist Times of India (9/12): "The choice of Yeygeny Primakov as Russia's prime minister is intended to convey a certain message to the West... Primakov's stewardship restored autonomy to Russian foreign policy and it acquired a more balanced orientation with Asia getting due attention.... He is a reluctant candidate for the premiership of Russia at a time when that country needs extraordinary understanding and expertise in economic management. Though he was director of the Institute of World Economy, economics is not his forte.

"What has made him the preferred candidate, acceptable to the Communists, is his independent outlook; Mr. Primakov is not intellectually dominated by American thinking as many of the market reformers in Russia are. As is now all too obvious. U.S. prescriptions have plunged Russia into a crisis, both economic and political. This was inevitable because those who followed Western economic prescriptions in their entirety overlooked the Russian social and political realities and their symbiotic relationship with sound economic management. There is, therefore, an expectation that Primakov would bring to bear on Russian economic management an independent and pragmatic approach.... What Russia needs today is a consensual solution to its economic crisis, and Primakov is well suited to lead his team in that direction."

PAKISTAN: "Russia's Troubles Not Yet Over"

According to an editorial in the centrist national News (9/13): "Yevgeny Primakov's appointment as Russia's new prime minister has brought an end to the political crisis that had paralysed government functioning for more than a week.... Although presidential elections in Russia are due in 2000, he himself will not be a candidate, while his designated successor was none other than Viktor Chernomyrdin--the man for whom Yeltsin could not secure the Duma's approval as prime minister, and who has now accused the Communists of planning a `creeping coup' against Yeltsin."

SRI LANKA: "Russia's Bandit Capitalism And The Shaky Ruble"

J.B. Kelegama commented in the English-language, independent Island (9/16): "Russia believes that the United States and the West will come to its rescue, once again, to save it from Communism. The Western countries and the IMF, however, have expressed doubts that an injection of financial assistance would help Russia to recover. They consider the government too weak, officials too corrupt, and the country too chaotic for any reform to succeed. U.S. authorities are concerned about the $108 billion pumped into the Russian economy by the U.S. private and public sectors since 1993 that has disappeared."

LATIN AMERICA

ARGENTINA: "A Rest For The Russian Crisis"

Daniel Helft daily-of-record wrote La Nacion (9/11): "Even though Primakov is an ally of Yeltsin, nationalistic groups respect him because of the confrontations he had with the West and because of his independent position regarding Washington...shown by his attempt to avoid the U.S. attack to Iraq after the invasion of Kuwait in 1991 and his persistent efforts to alleviate economic sanctions on Baghdad.... Also famous is his opinion in favor of a multipolar world, not centered in just one pole, the United States.... Nevertheless, analysts agree that Primakov is considered a reliable man by the world leaders.... Even though the Russian population felt relieved at the announcement on Primakov's appointment and there were demonstrations of support in front of the Duma...they could not disregard what happened with the unpredictable ruble, which is too far from being stable."

For more information, please contact:

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Telephone: (202) 619-4355

9/17/98

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