• Military

• WMD Menu                           

• Introduction
• Systems
• Facilities
• Agencies
• Operations
• Countries
• Hot Documents
• News
• Reports
• Policy
• Budget
• Congress
• Links

• Intelligence
• Homeland Security
• Space

02 September 1998

TRANSCRIPT: CLINTON, YELTSIN PRESS CONFERENCE SEPTEMBER 2, 1998

(Russia important to America, must stay on path to reform) (5550)
Moscow -- President Clinton and President Yeltsin concluded the
US-Russia Summit September 2 by signing two security agreements and
holding a joint press conference with both American and Russian
reporters in the Kremlin.
Clinton said they had reached "an important agreement to increase the
safety of all our people, an arrangement under which our countries
will give each other continuous information on worldwide launches of
ballistic missiles or space-launched vehicles detected by our
respective early warning systems. This will reduce the possibility of
nuclear war by mistake or accident, and give us information about
missile activity by other countries.
"We've also agreed to remove from each of our nuclear weapons program
approximately 50 tons of plutonium," Clinton said, "enough to make
literally thousands of nuclear devices. Once converted, this plutonium
can never again be used to make weapons that become lethal in the
wrong hands. Our experts will begin meeting right away to finalize an
implementation plan by the end of this year.
Clinton said he was "very grateful for the support this initiative
received in our Congress. We have four members of Congress here with
us today, and I especially thank Senator Domenici for his interest in
this issue."
On the overall significance of this summit meeting, Clinton told
reporters, "Russia is important to America. Our economies are
connected; we share values, interests and friendship. We share
security interests and heavy security responsibilities. In our
discussions, President Yeltsin and I spoke about Russia's options for
stabilizing its economy and restoring confidence. I reaffirmed
America's strong view that Russia can move beyond today's crisis and
create growth and good jobs, but only if it carries forward with its
transformation, with a strong and fair tax system, greater rule of
law, dealing forthrightly with financial institutions, having
regulation that protects against abuses, and yes, developing an
appropriate safety net for people who are hurt during times of change.
"President Yeltsin reaffirmed his commitment to reform, and I believe
that is the right commitment," Clinton said. "The answer to the
present difficulties is to finish the job that has been begun, not to
stop it in mid-stream or to reverse course. This is a view I will
reaffirm when I meet today with leaders of the Duma and the Federation
Council. America and the international community are, I am convinced,
ready to offer further assistance if Russia stays with the path of
reform."
Following is the White House transcript:
(begin transcript)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Moscow, Russia)
September 2, 1998
PRESS CONFERENCE BY PRESIDENT CLINTON AND PRESIDENT YELTSIN
Catherine Hall
The Kremlin
Moscow, Russia
PRESIDENT YELTSIN: Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, the official
visit of the President of the United States Bill Clinton to Russia is
coming to an end. We have had intensive, productive negotiations. We
have managed to discuss a wide range of topical issues. I would like
to emphasize the exchanges were sincere and keen. The dialogue was
marked by the spirit of mutual understanding.
Responsibility of our two countries for maintaining and strengthening
peace and stability is obvious. That is why we have paid special
attention to the discussion of the entire spectrum of security issues
in the world.
The discussion has included the implementation of international and
bilateral treaties and agreements concerning the weapons of mass
destruction, as well as the elaboration of common approaches to
dealing with the threat of nuclear weapons proliferation and their
delivery means.
Unfortunately, this is not the only major task the humanity struggles
to resolve. That is why President Clinton and I have discussed global
threats and challenges. Our positions on this issue have coincided and
this closeness of approaches is reflected in the joint statement on
common security changes on the threshold of the 21st century. I
consider this document to be a significant step towards strengthening
strategic partnership between Russia and the United States.
We have also had substantial talks on the most topical international
issues. And there are quite a few such issues. I'll put it frankly;
here our approaches have not always completely coincided. Russia
rejects the use of power methods as a matter of principle. Conflicts
of today have no military solutions, be it in Kosovo or around Iraq or
Afghanistan or others. Also we do not accept the NATO centrism idea
for the new European security architecture. Nevertheless, our talks
have been conducive to greater mutual understanding on these issues.
Of course, we could not do without discussing economy problems.
Current dimensions of our economic relations should be brought up to a
qualitatively new level. We shall have to suffer through much blood,
sweat, and tears before new forms of business cooperation worthy of
our two great powers are found, reforms that would be able to
withstand volatile circumstances. There exist quite a few
opportunities for this. These are mentioned in our joint statement on
economic issues.
In conclusion, I would like to say -- and I hope Bill will agree with
me -- the summit was a success. This meeting, the 15th in a row,
confirmed once again when Presidents of Russia and the United States
join their efforts, no issue is two big for them.
Thank you for your kind attention.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Thank you very much, Mr. President, for your
hospitality and for giving Hillary and me and our team the chance to
come to Moscow again.
Over the past five years I have been in this great, historic city in
times of bright hope and times of uncertainty. But throughout, I have
witnessed the remarkable transformation of this nation to democracy
and to a more open economy. We all know that this meeting comes at a
challenging time for the Russian people. But I don't believe anyone
could ever have doubted that there would be obstacles on Russia's road
to a vibrant economy and a strong democracy. I don't -- also believe
that anyone can seriously doubt the determination of the Russian
people to build a brighter, better, stronger future.
Russia is important to America. Our economies are connected; we share
values, interests and friendship. We share security interests and
heavy security responsibilities. In our discussions, President Yeltsin
and I spoke about Russia's options for stabilizing its economy and
restoring confidence. I reaffirmed America's strong view that Russia
can move beyond today's crisis and create growth and good jobs, but
only if it carries forward with its transformation, with a strong and
fair tax system, greater rule of law, dealing forthrightly with
financial institutions, having regulation that protects against
abuses, and yes, developing an appropriate safety net for people who
are hurt during times of change.
President Yeltsin reaffirmed his commitment to reform, and I believe
that is the right commitment. The answer to the present difficulties
is to finish the job that has been begun, not to stop it in mid-stream
or to reverse course. This is a view I will reaffirm when I meet today
with leaders of the Duma and the Federation Council. America and the
international community are, I am convinced, ready to offer further
assistance if Russia stays with the path of reform.
We discussed also at length common security concerns. We've reached an
important agreement to increase the safety of all our people, an
arrangement under which our countries will give each other continuous
information on worldwide launches of ballistic missiles or
space-launched vehicles detected by our respective early warning
systems. This will reduce the possibility of nuclear war by mistake or
accident, and give us information about missile activity by other
countries.
We've also agreed to remove from each of our nuclear weapons program
approximately 50 tons of plutonium -- enough to make literally
thousands of nuclear devices. Once converted, this plutonium can never
again be used to make weapons that become lethal in the wrong hands.
Our experts will begin meeting right away to finalize an
implementation plan by the end of this year.
I'd like to say in passing, I'm very grateful for the support this
initiative received in our Congress. We have four members of Congress
here with us today, and I especially thank Senator Domenici for his
interest in this issue.
Next let me say I look forward to, and hope very much that the Russian
Duma will approve START II so that we can negotiate a START III
agreement that would cut our levels of arsenals down to one-fifth of
Cold War levels. I think that would be good for our mutual security
and good for the Russian economy.
In recent months Russia has taken important steps to tighten its
export controls on weapons of mass destruction and the missiles to
deliver them, and to penalize offenders. This week Russia barred three
companies from transactions with Iran. Today we agreed to intensify
our cooperation by creating seven working groups on export controls to
further strengthen Russia's ability to halt the spread of dangerous
weapons. Also, we renewed our commitment to persuade India and
Pakistan to reverse their arms race. And we pledged to accelerate
international negotiations to establish a tough inspection regime of
the Biological Weapons Convention. I don't believe it's possible to
overstate the importance of this initiative for the next 20 years.
Russia and the United States share a commitment to combat terrorism.
We agree that there is no possible justification for terrorism; it is
murder, plain and simple. Today, we instructed our Foreign Ministers
to develop a plan to deepen our cooperation against this danger to our
own people and to innocent people around the world. We agreed on the
importance of further strengthening the partnership between NATO and
Russia through practical cooperation. We plan to accelerate talks on
adapting the treaty that limits conventional military forces in
Europe, the CFE, to reflect changes in Europe since the treaty was
signed in 1990, with an aim to complete an adapted treaty by the 1999
summit of the OSCE.
Finally, we discussed our common foreign policy agenda, including,
first and foremost, the need to continue to strengthen the peace in
Bosnia and to look for a peaceful solution in Kosovo, where the
humanitarian situation is now quite grave. We agreed that the Serbian
government must stop all repressive actions against civilian
populations, allow relief organizations immediate and full access to
those in need, and pursue an interim settlement.
President Yeltsin and I also agreed that Iraq must comply fully with
all relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions imposed after the Gulf
War, and in particular, must agree to allow the international weapons
inspectors to again pursue their mission without obstruction or delay.
Far from advancing the day sanctions are lifted, Iraq's most recent
efforts to undermine the inspectors will perpetuate sanctions, prevent
Iraq from acquiring the resources it needs to rebuild its military,
and keep Iraq's economy under tight international control.
On energy and the environment, we reiterated our commitment to the
emissions reductions targets and the market-based mechanisms
established at Kyoto to slow the dangerous process of global warming.
We agreed that multiple pipeline routes were essential to bring energy
from the Caspian to international markets and to advance our common
security and commercial interests.
This has been a full agenda, a productive summit. Again, let me say
that I have great confidence that the people of this great nation can
move through this present difficult moment to continue and complete
the astonishing process of democratization and modernization that I
have been privileged to witness at close hand over the last five and a
half years.
Again, Mr. President, thank you for your hospitality. And I suppose we
should answer a few questions.
PRESIDENT YELTSIN: Now we will have a Q&A session, so the work will
proceed in the way that the U.S. and Russian press corps could ask
questions in turn. Using the privilege of the host, I will give the
floor to the representatives of ORT television.
QUESTION: A question to both Presidents. Prior to meeting, many
experts, politicians, and public at large believed that your meeting
is futile. Nobody needs it. No results will be produced due to the
known difficulties both in Russia and America. I understand now you're
trying to make the case it's the other way around, the situation is
different. So what was the psychological atmosphere to your talks,
bearing in mind this disbelief in the success, this skeptical
approach?
And, second, are we, Russia and U.S., partners right now, or still
contenders? And today, bidding farewell, Boris Yeltsin and Bill
Clinton, are they still friends? Thank you.
PRESIDENT YELTSIN: I will start with your last question. Yes, we stay
friends and the atmosphere since the beginning of the talks until the
end was a friendly one. I would say it was very considerate and there
were no discontents during the talks that we had.
And this brings my conclusion that since we did not have any
differences, in my opinion, there will be no differences also in our
activities, in what we do bilaterally. Of course, that goes without
saying. This is very logical.
Now, in response to those skeptical observers who alleged, and
continue to do so, that they don't believe, I've been always saying,
no, on the contrary -- we need to repeat it -- we do believe we do
that in order to remove the tension, and each time, having those
meetings, we've been able to do something to alleviate the tension.
This is what really matters. We've been doing that, removing that
tension. And this time again we have removed part of the tension one
more time.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, first of all, I think it's important to
answer your question of what happened from the point of view of the
Russian people and then from the point of view of the American people.
You ask if we're still friends. The answer to that is, yes. You ask if
Russia and the United States have a partnership. I think the plain
answer to that is, yes, even though we don't always agree on every
issue. I can tell you from my point of view this was a successful
meeting on the national security issues, because I think establishing
this early warning information sharing is important and I know that
the destruction of this huge volume of plutonium is important. And it
also might be important to the Russian economy. It can be an plus as
well as a national security plus.
Now, on the domestic economic issues, from the point of view of
America, it was important to me to come here just to say to the
President and to his team and to the Duma leaders I will see later and
the Federation Council leaders that I know this is a difficult time,
but there is no shortcut to developing a system that will have the
confidence of investors around the world. These are not American rules
or anybody else's rules. These are -- in a global economy, you have to
be able to get money in from outside your country and keep the money
in your country invested in your country.
And if the reform process can be completed, then I for one would be
strongly supportive of greater assistance to Russia from the United
States and the other big economic powers, because I think we have a
very strong vested interest in seeing an economically successful
Russia that is a full partner across the whole range of issues in the
world. I also think it's good for preserving Russia's democracy and
freedom.
So, from my point of view, saying that we support reform and saying we
will support those who continue it was in itself a reason to come.
From Russia's point of view, I think knowing that the United States
and others want to back this process and will do so. And at least
having someone else say there is a light at the end of this tunnel,
there is an end to this process and it could come quickly if these
laws are passed in the Duma and the things that the President has
asked for already are done and the decisions are made well, I think
that is worth something apart from the specific agreements that we
have made.
But my answer to you is that in foreign policy and security, this
meeting produced something. Whether it produces real economic benefits
for the people of Russia depends upon what happens now in Russia. But
at least everyone knows that we're prepared to do our part and to
support this process.
PRESIDENT YELTSIN: I would like to add just for one second, please,
just two words here. We have put it on paper. We have decided to set
up on the territory of Russia a joint center of control over the
missile launches. For the first time this has been done. This is
exceptionally important.
Q: President Yeltsin, yesterday President Clinton spoke of the painful
steps that Russia will have to take and the need to play by the rules
of international economics. What difficult steps are you prepared to
take? And are you committed to play by these rules of international
economics?
And to President Clinton, the world stock market seems very fragile
right now. How can the United States withstand all these outside
pressures?
PRESIDENT CLINTON:  Do you want me to go first?
I think the answer to your question about what we can do that's best
for our economy is really twofold. The first thing we have to do is to
do our very best to make the right decisions at home. You know, we
have to stay with the path of discipline that has brought us this far
in the last five and a half years, and we have to make the investments
and decisions that we know will produce growth over the long run for
the American economy. Whether it's in education, or science and
technology, we have to do the things that send the signal that we
understand how the world economy works and we intend to do well in it.
But the most important thing is sticking with sound economic policy.
Now, in addition to that, it is important that more and more
Americans, without regard to party, understand that we are in a global
economy and it's been very good to the United
States over the last five and half years -- about 30 percent of our
growth has come from exports -- but that we at this particular moment
in history, because of our relative economic strength have an extra
obligation to try to build a system for the 21st century where every
person in every country who is willing to work hard has a chance to
get a just reward for it.
And that means that we have to -- in my opinion, that means that we
have to continue to contribute our fair share to the International
Monetary Fund. It means that we have to do everything we can to
support our friends in Russia who believe that we should continue to
reform. It means that Secretary Rubin's upcoming meeting with the
Finance Minister of Japan, former Prime Minister Miyazawa, is
profoundly important. Unless Japan begins to grow again, it's going to
be difficult for Russia and other countries to do what they need to
do. It means, in short, that America must maintain a leadership role
of active involvement in trying to build an economic system that
rewards people who do the right thing. And that's in our best
interest.
So I think this is a terribly important thing. The volatility in the
world markets, including in our stock market, I think is to be
expected under these circumstances. The right thing to do is to try to
restore growth in the economies of the world where there isn't enough
growth now, and to continually examine whether the institutions we
have for dealing with problems are adequate to meet the challenges of
today and tomorrow. And we are aggressively involved in both those
activities.
PRESIDENT YELTSIN: Naturally, we face problems basically of our own.
We have not been able to do many things over the past time when we
started our reforms. And still we need to conclude our reforms, to
bring them to completion, and consequently, to get results.
We are not saying that we count solely on the support from outside --
no. One more time I will reiterate this no. So let your mass media not
spread the word to the effect that allegedly we would count solely on
the support from the West. And to this end, we have gathered together
here by no means. What we need from the United States is political
support to the effect that the United States is in favor of reforms in
Russia. This is what we really need, and then all the investors who
would like to come to the Russian reformed market will do so, will
come with their investments. And this is what we really need now. This
is what is lacking -- investments. This is first and foremost.
Certainly, we ought to fight our expenditures pattern and
mismanagement. This is the second issue which, to us, is one of the
most important issues. And we have been adopting accordingly the
measures which need to be taken -- like we have adopted the program of
stabilization measures; in other words, those measures which will
result in stabilization of our reforms. Stabilization -- I believe
that such measures and such a program will work, promptly, over the
coming two years it will produce results.
Q: I'd like to pose a question to the President of the United States,
Mr. Clinton. One gets the impression that some politicians in the
United States right now like to somehow frighten Russia. On the other
hand, we are aware of the fact that you are never afraid of Russia,
yourself, and you did everything possible so that people in the U.S.
would not be afraid of Russia. Now, on the results of these talks,
tell us please your belief -- what is the basis of your belief that
our country will get back to its feet and that Russian-U.S. relations
have promising prospects? Thank you.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, my belief that Russian-U.S. relations have
promising prospects has been supported by the agreements we have made
in the security and foreign policy areas. My belief that Russia will
get back on its feet is based on my observation that in Russian
history every time outsiders counted the Russian people out, they
turned out to be wrong. And this is a very big challenge, but, I mean,
a country that rebuffed Napoleon and Hitler can surely adjust to the
realities of the global marketplace.
Now, what has to be done? The reason I wanted to come here -- and, to
be fair, let me back up and say, I don't think there are many people
in America who are afraid of Russia anymore. I think there are some
people in America who question whether I should come at this moment of
great economic and political tension for the country. But I don't
think it's because they want something bad to happen to Russia. I
think, by and large, the American people wish Russia well and want
things to go well for Russia, and like the fact that we are partners
in Bosnia and that we've reduced our nuclear arsenals so much and that
we've reduced our deficit establishment and that we've found other
ways to cooperate in space, for example. I think most Americans like
this very, very much.
So let me go back to the economic question. I believe whether you
succeed and how long it takes you to succeed in restoring real growth
to the Russian economy depends upon President Yeltsin's ability to
persuade the Duma to support his formation of a government which will
pursue a path of reform with a genuine sensitivity to the personal
dislocation of the people who have been hurt. And here's where I think
the World Bank and other institutions can come in and perhaps help
deal with some of the fallout, if you will, of the reform process.
But I think if other political forces in Russia try to force the
President to abandon reform in midstream or even reverse it, what I
think will happen is even less money will come into Russia, and even
more economic hardship will result. I believe that because that is, it
seems to me, the unwavering experience of every other country.
That does not mean you should not have a social safety net. It does
not mean you have to make the same domestic decisions that the United
States or Great Britain or France or Sweden or any other country has
made. You have to form your own relationship with this new economic
reality. But I still believe that unless there is a manifest
commitment to reform, the economy will not get better.
So I support President Yeltsin's commitment in that regard. And I
think -- my conviction that it will get better is based on my reading
of your history. How long it will take to get better depends a lot
more on you and what happens here than anything else we outsiders can
do, although if there is a clear movement toward reform, I'll do
everything I can to accelerate outside support of all kinds.
Q: Sir, you were just speaking of the challenges that we face as a
nation. And one is the reaction since your admission of a relationship
with Ms. Lewinsky -- given you any cause for concern that you may not
be as effective as you should be in leading the country?
PRESIDENT CLINTON: No, I've actually been quite heartened by the
reaction of the American people and leaders throughout the world about
it. I have acknowledged that I made a mistake, said that I regretted
it, asked to be forgiven, spent a lot of very valuable time with my
family in the last couple of weeks and said I was going back to work.
I believe that's what the American people want me to do, and based on
my conversations with leaders around the world, I think that's what
they want me to do, and that is what I intend to do.
As you can see from what we're discussing here, there are very large
issues that will affect the future of the American people in the short
run and over the long run. There are large issues that have to be
dealt with now in the world and at home. And so I have been quite
encouraged by what I think the message from the American people has
been and what I know of the message from leaders around the world has
been. And I'm going to do my best to continue to go through this
personal process in an appropriate way, but to do my job, to do the
job I was hired to do. And I think it very much needs to be done right
now.
Q: The question has to do with the relationship between Russia and
NATO. I understand you had time to discuss this issue with the U.S.
President. It's known that the next NATO summit will take place in
Washington, where important decisions will be taken regarding the
European security architecture. How do you think this relation should
evolve in the future?
PRESIDENT YELTSIN: Yes, we have discussed with President Clinton the
question concerning the relationship between Russia and NATO. We're
not running away from the position which has been that we are against
NATO expanding eastward. We believe this is a blunder, a big mistake,
and one day this will be a historic error.
Therefore, at this point in time, what we necessarily would like to do
is to improve relations so that there be no confrontation. Therefore,
we have signed an agreement between Russia and NATO. And in accordance
with that agreement we want to do our job. However, no way shall we
allow anybody to transgress that agreement, bypass that agreement, or,
generally speaking, put aside it. No, this will not happen.
And, naturally, we shall participate in the Warsaw meeting and there
we shall very closely follow the vector of NATO and what they intend
to do in regards to, so to say, deploying their forces and their
power.
We still are in favor of being cautious with regards to NATO. We don't
have any intentions to move towards the West, ourselves; we don't
intend to create additional forces. We're not doing that, and we're
not planning to do that. This is what really matters.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: I would like to say one word about that. We
obviously, President Yeltsin and I, have a disagreement about whether
it was appropriate for NATO to take on new members or not. But I think
there is a larger reality here where we are in agreement, and I would
like to emphasize it.
Russia has made historic commitments in the last few years to
essentially redefine its greatness, not in terms of the territorial
dominance of its neighbors, but instead, of constructive leadership in
the region and in the world. The expansion of NATO, therefore, should
be seen primarily as nations interested in working together to deal
with common security problems, not to be ready to repel expected
invasions.
And if you look at what the NATO members will be discussing next year,
they're talking about how they can deal with regional security
challenges, like in Bosnia and Kosovo -- both of which -- one of which
we would never -- we would not have solved the Bosnia War, or ended
it, had it not been for the leadership of Russia and the partnership
between NATO and Russia. It simply would not have happened in the way
it did, in a way that reinforced harmony in the region. Similarly, we
have got to work together in Kosovo to prevent another Bosnia from
occurring.
If we have problems with terrorism or with the spread of chemical or
biological weapons, they will be problems we all have in common.
That's why you have two dozen nations that are not NATO members a part
of our Partnership for Peace, because they know that nation states in
the future are going to have common security problems and they will be
stronger if they work together.
And that's why I was especially proud of the charter that Russia and
NATO signed. I intend to honor it. I intend to build on it. And I hope
that within a few years we'll see that this partnership is a good
thing and continues to be a good thing and brings us closer together
rather than driving us apart.
Q: President Yeltsin, do you see any circumstance in which you could
accept someone other than Mr. Chernomyrdin to be your Prime Minister?
And if you can't accept that, does that mean you're prepared to
dissolve the Duma if they refuse to confirm him?
And, Mr. President, another Lewinsky question. You know, there have
been some who have expressed disappointment that you didn't offer a
formal apology the other night when you spoke to the American people.
Are you -- do you feel you need to offer an apology? And, in
retrospect now, with some distance, do you have any feeling that
perhaps the tone of your speech was something that didn't quite convey
the feelings that you have -- particularly your comments in regard to
Mr. Starr?
PRESIDENT YELTSIN: Well, I must say, we will witness quite a few
events for us to be able to achieve all those results. That's all.
PRESIDENT CLINTON:  That's my answer, too.  That was pretty good.
Well, to your second question, I think I can almost reiterate what I
said in response to the first question. I think the question of the
tone of the speech and people's reaction to it is really a function of
-- I can't comment on that. I read it the other day again, and I
thought it was clear that I was expressing my profound regret to all
who were hurt and to all who were involved, and my desire not to see
anymore people hurt by this process and caught up in it. And I was
commenting that it seemed to be something that most reasonable people
would think had consumed a disproportionate amount of America's time,
money, and resources, and attention, and now continued to involve more
and more people. And that's what I tried to say.
And all I wanted to say was I believe it's time for us to now go back
to the work of the country, and give the people their government back,
and talk about and think about and work on things that will affect the
American people today and in the future. That's all I meant to say,
and that's what I believe, and that's what I intend to do.
PRESIDENT YELTSIN:  Thank you for your kind attention.
(end transcript)