March 25, 2000
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT IN GREETING TO THE PEOPLE OF PAKISTAN
4:20 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Islamabad, Pakistan)
___________________________________________________________________________
____
For Immediate Release March
25, 2000
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN GREETING TO THE PEOPLE OF PAKISTAN
Islamabad, Pakistan
4:20 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: As-salaam aleikum. It is an honor to be the first
President of the United States to address all the people of Pakistan, and
the first to visit your country in more than 30 years. I'm here as a great
admirer of your land's rich history, of its centuries of civilization which
stretch as long as the Indus River. I'm here as one whose own nation has
been greatly enriched by the talents of Americans of Pakistani descent.
But most of all, I am here as a friend -- a grateful friend who values our
long partnership; a concerned friend who cares deeply about the future
course of your country; a committed friend who will stand with the people
of Pakistan as long as you seek the stable, prosperous, democratic nation
of your founders' dreams.
More than half a century ago, Muhammad Ali Jinnah shared that vision
as he addressed Pakistan's Constituent Assembly. "If you work together,"
he said, "in the spirit that every one of you is first, second and last a
citizen, with equal rights, privileges, and obligations, there will be no
end to the progress you will make."
The Quaid-e-Azam ended that speech by reading a telegram he had just
received. The message expressed hope for success in the great work you
were about to undertake. That message was from the people of the United
States.
Despite setbacks and suffering, the people of Pakistan have built this
nation from the ground up, on a foundation of democracy and law. And for
more than 50 years now, we have been partners with you. Pakistan helped
the United States open a dialogue with China. We stood together when the
Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Our partnership helped to end the Cold
War. In many years since, we have cooperated in the fight against
terrorism. Our soldiers have stood together in missions of peace in every
part of the world. This is your proud legacy; our proud legacy.
Now we are in the dawn of a new century, and a new and changing world
has come into view. All around the globe, a revolution is taking hold -- a
revolution that is tearing down barriers and building up networks among
nations and individuals. For millions it has made real the dream of a
better life with good schools, good jobs, a good future for their children.
Like all key moments in human history, this one poses some hard
choices, for this era does not reward people who struggle in vain to redraw
borders with blood. It belongs to those with the vision to look beyond
borders, for partners and commerce and trade. It does not favor nations
where governments claim all the power to solve every problem. Instead, it
favors nations where the people have the freedom and responsibility to
shape their own destiny.
Pakistan can achieve great things in this new world, but real
obstacles stand in the way. The political situation, the economic
situation, the tensions in this region -- they are holding Pakistan back
from achieving its full potential in the global economy.
I know I don't have to tell you all this. This is something you know,
something you have seen. But I do have hope. I believe Pakistan can make
its way through the trouble, and build a future worthy of the vision of its
founders: A stable, prosperous, democratic Pakistan, secure in its
borders, friendly with its neighbors, confident in its future. A Pakistan,
as Jinnah said, at peace within and at peace without.
What is in the way of that vision? Well, clearly, the absence of
democracy makes it harder, not easier, for people to move ahead. I know
democracy isn't easy; it's certainly not perfect. The authors of my own
country's constitution knew that as well. They said that the mission of
the United States would always be, and I quote, "to form a more perfect
union." In other words, they knew we would never fully realize our ideals,
but that we could keep moving closer to them. That means the question for
free people is always how to keep moving forward.
We share your disappointment that previous democratic governments in
Pakistan did not do better for their citizens. But one thing is certain:
democracy cannot develop if it is constantly uprooted before it has a
chance to firmly take hold. Successful democratic government takes time
and patience and hard work. The answer to flawed democracy is not to end
democracy, but to improve it.
I know General Musharraf has just announced a date for local
elections. That is a good step. But the return of civilian democratic
rule requires a complete plan, a real road map.
Of course, no one from the outside can tell Pakistan how it should be
governed. That is for you, the people of Pakistan, to decide, and you
should be given the opportunity to do so. I hope and believe you want
Pakistan to be a country where the rule of law prevails; a country where
officials are accountable; a country where people can express their points
of view without fear; a country that wisely forsakes revenge for the wounds
of the past, and instead pursues reconciliation for the sake of the future.
If you choose this path, your friends in the United States will stand with
you.
There are obstacles to your progress, including violence and
extremism. We Americans also have felt these evils. Surely we have both
suffered enough to know that no grievance, no cause, no system of beliefs
can ever justify the deliberate killing of innocents. Those who bomb bus
stations, target embassies or kill those who uphold the law are not heroes.
They are our common enemies, for their aim is to exploit painful problems,
not to resolve them.
Just as we have fought together to defeat those who traffick in
narcotics, today I ask Pakistan to intensify its efforts to defeat those
who inflict terror.
Another obstacle to Pakistan's progress is the tragic squandering of
effort, energy and wealth on polices that make your nation poorer, but not
safer. That is one reason we must try to resolve the differences between
our two nations on nuclear weapons.
Again, you must make the decision. But my questions to you are no
different from those I posed in India. Are you really more secure today
than you were before you tested nuclear weapons? Will these weapons make
war with India less likely or simply more deadly? Will a costly arms race
help you to achieve any economic development? Will it bring you closer to
your friends around the world, closer to the partnerships you need to build
your dreams?
Today, the United States is dramatically cutting its nuclear arsenal.
Around the world nations are renouncing these weapons. I ask Pakistan also
to be a leader for nonproliferation. In your own self-interest, to help us
to prevent dangerous technologies from spreading to those who might have no
reservations at all about using them, take the right steps now to prevent
escalation, to avoid miscalculation, to reduce the risk of war.
As leaders in your own country have suggested, one way to strengthen
your security would be to join the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. The
whole world will rally around you if you do.
I believe it is also in Pakistan's interest to reduce tensions with
India. When I was in New Delhi, I urged India to seize the opportunity for
dialogue. Pakistan also must help create conditions that will allow
dialogue to succeed. For India and Pakistan this must be a time of
restraint, for respect for the line of control, and renewed lines of
communication.
I have listened carefully to General Musharraf and others. I
understand your concerns about Kashmir. I share your convictions that
human rights of all its people must be respected. But a stark truth must
also be faced. There is no military solution to Kashmir. International
sympathy, support and intervention cannot be won by provoking a bigger,
bloodier conflict. On the contrary; sympathy and support will be lost.
And no matter how great the grievance, it is wrong to support attacks
against civilians across the line of control.
In the meantime, I ask again: Will endless, costly struggle build
good schools for your children? Will it make your cities safer? Will it
bring clean water and better health care? Will it narrow the gaps between
those who have and those who have nothing? Will it hasten the day when
Pakistan's energy and wealth are invested in building its future? The
answer to all these questions is plainly no.
The American people don't want to see tensions rise and suffering
increase. We want to be a force for peace. But we cannot force peace. We
can't impose it. We cannot and will not mediate or resolve the dispute in
Kashmir. Only you and India can do that, through dialogue.
Last year, the world watched with hope as the leaders of India and
Pakistan met in Lahore on the road to better relations. This is the right
road to peace for Pakistan and India, and for the resolution of the
problems in Kashmir. Therefore, I will do all I can to help both sides
restore the promise and the process of Lahore.
A few months ago we had a ceremony at the White House to mark the end
of Ramadan. An Imam shared a message from the Koran which tells us that
God created nations and tribes that we might know one another, not that we
may despise one another. During the years of my presidency, I have tried
to know the Muslim world as part of our common humanity. I have stood with
the people of Bosnia and Kosovo, who were brutalized because of their
Muslim faith. I have mourned with Jordanians and Moroccans at the loss of
their brave leaders. I have been privileged to speak with Palestinians at
their National Council in Gaza.
Today I am proud to speak with you because I value our long
friendship, and because I believe our friendship can still be a force for
tolerance and understanding throughout the world.
I hope you will be able to meet the difficult challenges we have discussed
today. If you do not, there is a danger that Pakistan may grow even more
isolated, draining even more resources away from the needs of the people,
moving even closer to a conflict no one can win. But if you do meet
these challenges, our full economic and political partnership can be
restored for the benefit of the people of Pakistan.
So let us draw strength from the words of the great Pakistani poet,
Muhammad Iqbal, who said, "In the midst of today's upheaval, give us a
vision of tomorrow." If the people of Pakistan and South Asia are driven
by a tolerant, generous vision of tomorrow, your nation and this entire
region can be the great success story of the world's next 50 years.
It is all in your hands. I know enough about the ingenuity and
enterprise and heart of Pakistani people to know that this is possible.
With the right vision, rooted in tomorrow's promise, not yesterday's pain
-- rooted in dialogue, not destruction -- Pakistan can fulfill its destiny
as a beacon of democracy in the Moslem world, an engine of growth, a model
of tolerance, an anchor of stability. Pakistan can have a future worthy of
the dreams of the Quaid-e-Azam.
If you choose that future, the United States will walk with you. I
hope you will make that choice. And I pray for our continued friendship,
for peace, for Pakistan -- Zindabad.
END 4:25 P.M. (L)
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