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PAKISTAN MISSION TO THE

UNITED NATIONS, NEW YORK

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

Address by H.E. Mr. Mohammad Nawaz Sharif, Prime Minister of  the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to the  53rd Session of the UN General Assembly, on 23rd September 1998.

Mr. President,

I wish to congratulate you on your well-deserved election to preside over this session of the General Assembly. It is taking place at a time of profound change and disturbing economic and political developments in various parts of the world. Your responsibilities are correspondingly imposing. I am confident your accomplishments will be similarly significant.

Pakistan also wishes to convey our sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Udovenko, for the skilful and productive manner in which he guided the Assembly's work over the past year.

Mr. President,

As we seek to build the structures for peace and prosperity on the eve of a new millennium, the United Nations has become even more indispensable. In an increasingly interdependent world, the United Nations is the only Organization where nations can come together and evolve decisions democratically on critical social and political issues which affect all peoples.  Pakistan has profound faith in the purposes and the promise of the United Nations.

I wish to pay warm tribute to our distinguished Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who has moved to revive the United Nations with bold reforms. These reforms must reinforce the democratic ethos of the United Nations, specially in the Security Council where the endeavour of some is to create new centres of privilege rather than eliminate old inequalities. The reform we pursue must be inspired by the noble vision of the UN Charter - social justice, universal prosperity and global peace and security. To do anything else, is to do less than history demands of us.

Mr. President,

We are living in times of change and promise.  The days of global confrontation are gone and doctrines of containment have lost relevance.  The information and technological revolutions have brought about a phenomenal interaction among the peoples of the world.  The global village is a reality.  Today, the prosperity of one region supplements and supports that of the other.  The creed of our times must be partnership for peace and development.  It will be an irony if the new vision and possibilities are lost because of narrow prejudices and interests.

The world is also pervaded with a deep sense of foreboding.  We are being propelled into a future which appears anarchic and insecure.  In  recent months, the triumphal hopes for the spread of free markets, democratic freedoms and world peace have suffered sobering setbacks.  The crisis spreading from the erstwhile economic dynamo of East Asia has shaken confidence in the prescriptions of trade and financial liberalization. With falling incomes and failing hopes, strife has spread amongst and within nations in virtually every part of the world. This will negate the emerging prospects for ending hunger, disease and ignorance universally.

New conflicts have appeared while many old problems persist. The people of Kashmir and Palestine continue to suffer.  Bosnia has seen a brutal war and now Kosovo dreads the same fate.  Internecine wars have scarred Africa.  Afghanistan has yet to recover from the ravages of conflict.  Peace has remained elusive in the Middle East.  Tensions have been heightened in South Asia. There is increasing resort to the unilateral use of force and arbitrary actions against weaker nations.  The multiple conflicts and suffering around the world have placed extraordinary demands on the United Nations.

Mr. President,

We are pained by the continuing tragedy of Palestine. The promise of peace has turned to despair and desperation. Peace cannot be achieved without the realization of the right of self-determination and statehood of the Palestinian people.

Mr. President,

Seventeen years of war have completely destroyed Afghanistan - its economy, society and polity. Pakistan has, more than any other country, borne the consequences of Afghanistan's turmoil and suffering. We have a vital interest in the restoration of peace and stability in Afghanistan.

Pakistan is deeply concerned at the current tensions between Iran and Afghanistan. We will continue to do all we can to promote peaceful and friendly relations between these two fraternal neighbours. Those responsible for the outrageous killing of the personnel seized from the Iranian Consulate in Mazar-e-Sharif must be apprehended and punished. We call for the release of all remaining Iranian personnel and other prisoners held by the parties to the Afghan conflict.  We support a UN and OIC fact-finding mission to Afghanistan.

We urge reconciliation within Afghanistan through realistic compromise and mutual accommodation. We call for international engagement and dialogue with Afghanistan to promote the objectives of humanitarianism, human rights and peace. We ask for respect for the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and observance of the principles of non-interference and non-use of force.

Mr. President

This year the nuclear cloud has cast its dark shadow over South Asia.  When India conducted its first explosion in 1974, the reaction of the major powers was to impose restraints against Pakistan. We felt compelled to acquire a matching capability. Yet, even after we had done so, Pakistan continued to promote a nuclear weapons free zone, conventional arms restraint and a zero-missile-zone in South Asia. India rejected all these initiatives.

India's nuclear tests in May should not have come as a surprise to the world. We had warned the world several weeks before the tests. Even after India conducted its tests, the response of the major powers was weak and ambiguous.  Once again, greater energy was devoted to restraining Pakistan than in responding to India.

Immediately after its nuclear tests, India's leaders adopted a belligerent posture towards Pakistan. They told us that the geo-strategic balance had changed and Pakistan should abandon its principled support for Kashmiri self-determination.  Pakistan faced the threat of force.  We felt compelled to convince India that any military aggression against Pakistan would have the most disastrous consequences.

The world must appreciate that Pakistan did not initiate these tests.  India tested to alter the strategic balance and threatened our security and sovereignty.  We waited for 17 days for the world to respond.  We knew that no country could provide us security assurances against a nuclear India.  Thus circumstances forced us to test and establish nuclear deterrence in self defence.  We have violated no international norm.  Regrettably, some friendly countries have imposed sanctions and other restrictions against Pakistan.  These are unjust.  I ask the international community to determine who is in the wrong.   Why should Pakistan be subjected to punitive measures ?

Pakistan's nuclear tests were conducted not to challenge the existing non-proliferation regime, nor to fulfil any great power ambition. They were designed to prevent the threat or use of force against Pakistan.  Our tests in response to India thus served the cause of peace and stability in our region.

We are not insensitive to the concerns aroused by the South Asian nuclear tests.  Despite the transformed strategic situation, we remain  opposed to an arms race, nuclear or conventional.  We have announced a unilateral moratorium on testing.  We are prepared to strengthen peace and stability in the region by mutually agreed measures to avoid a war, to create a regime for nuclear restraint and conventional balance and to promote solutions to the underlying causes of conflict in particular the Kashmir dispute.

We will discuss these issues with India when our dialogue commences.  We are also engaged in a dialogue with several friendly countries to advance these objectives.

Pakistan has never contributed to nuclear proliferation.  We will continue to adhere strictly to our policy of not exporting sensitive technologies and equipment.

Mr. President,

Pakistan has consistently supported the conclusion of a CTBT for over 30 years.  We voted for the Treaty when it was adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in 1996.  We have declared a moratorium on further testing; so has India.  There is no reason why the two countries cannot adhere to the CTBT.  In a nuclearized South Asia, CTBT would have relevance if Pakistan and India are both parties to the Treaty.  The Non-Aligned Summit has called for universal adherence to the CTBT, specially by the nuclear weapon states.  This demand is consistent with the Treaty's requirement, that all nuclear capable states, including India, must adhere to the CTBT before it can come into force.  Pakistan will oppose any attempt to change this fundamental requirement at the Conference of States Parties to the Treaty scheduled to be held in September 1999.  Such a change can only be made by consensus.  Pakistan is, therefore, prepared to adhere to the CTBT before this Conference.  However, Pakistan's adherence to the Treaty will take place only in conditions free from coercion or pressure.

In this regard, we expect that the arbitrary restrictions imposed on Pakistan by multilateral institutions will be speedily removed. We also expect that discriminatory sanctions against Pakistan will be lifted.  And we count on the full support of the world community for a just resolution of the Kashmir dispute.

On the nuclear issue, Pakistan will insist on the principle of equal treatment with India, be it in terms of status or any kind of incentives.  It must also be well understood that if India were to resume nuclear testing, Pakistan will review its position, and in case we have adhered to the CTBT, invoke the supreme interests clause as provided under Article Nine of the Treaty.

Mr. President,

Nuclear deterrence between Pakistan and India will remain fragile and dangerous so long as there is a growing imbalance in conventional forces.  This needs to be redressed.  Above all, durable peace between Pakistan and India - and restraint in their military postures - will be, as always, critically dependent on the resolution of the Kashmir dispute which has been the root cause of all conflicts and tensions between Pakistan and India.

Mr. President,

We welcome the recognition in the Secretary General's annual report, that "the rising tension between India and Pakistan over Kashmir and other issues is a major cause of concern".  For almost 50 years, the people of Jammu and Kashmir continue to await the exercise of the right of self-determination as stipulated in the Security Council's resolutions.  India is obliged to allow the plebiscite prescribed in these UN resolutions.  India has, however, failed to honour its commitments and resorted instead to a policy based on force to deny the legitimate rights of the Kashmiri people.

Ten years ago, Kashmir's freedom struggle entered a new phase when Indian forces fired on peaceful Kashmiri demonstrators, killing over a hundred.  Kashmir is now occupied by a force of 650,000 Indian troops.  Over 60,000 Kashmiris have been killed, thousands maimed and arrested.  Custodial killings, disappearances, arbitrary arrests, summary executions continue to be daily occurrences.  The nightmare of the Kashmiri people continues.  This year, moreover, scores of innocent Kashmiris in Azad Kashmir have been killed and hundreds injured by intensified Indian artillery and mortar fire.  Even as I speak, tensions are high on the Line of Control.

My government is committed to resolving our problems with India through dialogue.  This is all the more important in a nuclear environment in which neither side has the luxury to contemplate the use of force.  In June 1997, we had agreed with India on an eight item agenda and a mechanism for the dialogue. Unfortunately, the dialogue was interrupted due to differences over modalities.   I am, however, happy to say that, in a meeting which concluded a short while ago, Prime Minister Vajpayee and I have reached an agreement to resume the dialogue with the commencement of Foreign Secretary level talks, which will address at the outset, the primary issues of peace and security and Jammu and Kashmir.
The United Nations, the major powers and the international community have a responsibility to support and facilitate a solution of the Kashmir issue.  We request the UN Secretary-General to take appropriate initiatives to implement Security Council resolutions on Kashmir and to ease tensions and build confidence.  In particular, we urge that UNMOGIP be strengthened and its mandate enhanced.  The Security Council should regularly monitor the volatile situation along the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir.

Mr. President,

Until last year, globalization of the world economy promised the spread of prosperity. Today, 30 per cent of the world economy is in recession; by next year, this figure is projected to double. Across East Asia, currencies have drastically depreciated; economies have contracted; incomes have plummeted; unemployment has risen, despite sound economic fundamentals.

As the East Asian crisis spreads, questions are being posed about the economic wisdom of rapid financial and trade liberalization and the social implications of globalization.  Yet, in the age of the Information and Communications revolution, globalization cannot be reversed; it can only be effectively governed.

The world community must adopt a coherent approach to the current crisis.  In the short-term, it is essential to spur economic growth, in all parts of the world.  The international financial institutions must relax their unrealistic conditionalities to prevent any further contraction of the economies of the developing countries.  Mechanisms need to be devised to direct greater development finance to the underdeveloped countries which have the largest latent demand.  Meanwhile, markets - specially those of the industrial countries - must be kept open.  New protectionism - in the guise of concern for environmental or labour standards - must be resisted.

In order to effectively address these issues, we have to proceed from three basic premises:

First, decisions on ways to manage globalization must be made collectively by all nations.

Second, specific policies must flow from the overriding objective of ensuring growth with equity.  Equity is not only a moral imperative, it is now a pre-requisite for sustained global growth.

Third, the North and South must act together.  Prosperity for both is  inter linked.

This suggests the need for concerted action by the international community which should include:

One, the strengthening of the capacity of multilateral institutions to address the issues of trade, finance and development in an integrated and coherent manner thereby ensuring the effective "governance of globalization".  In this context, a global monetary conference to address the old and new problems of the international finance system is now a necessity, and should be convened urgently by the United Nations.

Two, correcting the inequities in the international trade regime especially by a more rapid liberalization in areas of primary interest to developing countries.
 
Three, a resolution of the long-standing issues of debt, development finance, and access to technology.

What is required today is the realization that there is unity in the struggle of the South and the North for economic and social development.  A new concept of a "Global Community" appears to be essential - a community where all human beings are acknowledged as being entitled to a "life of dignity", and to the "right to development".

The concept of the Ummah or community in Islamic thought offers a model for the realization of such a global community.  This concept gives primacy to the solidarity of human beings and equitable benefits to all members of the community.  Islam is the religion of peace and tolerance; it is inherently moderate and progressive.  Here, I would like to warmly welcome President Clinton's vision affirming America's deep respect for Islam and rejecting the pernicious thesis of a clash of civilizations.  We must work together for creating a greater understanding and harmony among all religions and peoples of the world.

The present drift towards an uncertain and dangerous world must be arrested.  Inequality, conflicts and abuse of human rights are not the inevitable consequences of impersonal forces of history.  These are the outcome of our own actions.  It is in our power to fashion a more equitable and peaceful world.  We can do so if we rededicate ourselves to the ideals of the UN Charter.  Only then can we ensure that the next century will dawn on a prosperous and peaceful world.
 
Thank you, Mr.  President.