UNITED24 - Make a charitable donation in support of Ukraine!

Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

Washington File

04 April 2003

Rice Says U.S. Will Work with Interim Authority Run by Iraqis

(Says aim is quick turnover of government to Iraqi people) (5290)
The United States will work with an interim authority run by Iraqis
until the people of Iraq establish a legitimate, broad-based,
permanent government, says National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice.
Briefing reporters April 4 at the White House, Rice said the United
States will coordinate with Iraqis, coalition partners and
international organizations including the United Nations to rebuild
Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime and "leave Iraq
completely in the hands of Iraqis as quickly as possible."
Rice said there has already been an emergence of local leaders who are
helping the coalition in the liberation of their country. Iraqis
living outside the country also will contribute to the interim
authority, she said.
Rice said an agency being set up to manage immediate postwar
operations, the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance
(ORHA), will be a multinational effort. Its first focus will be on
restoring basic services such as electricity, water, and basic medical
care and ensuring that civil servants are paid, she said.
As more functions are turned over to the interim authority, ORHA will
shift to an advisory role, Rice said.
Retired General Jay Garner, who in 1991 helped the people of northern
Iraq establish their own administration in that part of the country,
is leading ORHA, she said. ORHA reports to Central Command Commander
General Tommy Franks and includes representatives from several U.S.
agencies including the departments of State, Defense and Justice, and
the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).
Rice stressed that ORHA "is not a provisional government for Iraq,
civilian or military" and that Iraqis will be involved in the
transition process "at its very earliest stages."
Following is a transcript of Rice's briefing:
(begin transcript)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
April 4, 2003
PRESS BRIEFING BY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR DR. CONDOLEEZZA RICE
2:52 P.M. EST
RICE: Good afternoon. I have a quick opening statement, and then I'm
happy to take questions.
There's been a lot of speculation in the press in recent days about
the post-Saddam Iraq, not all of it entirely accurate and some of it
just plain wrong. (Laughter.) So I'm here to try and clear up a few
things. Just as we've planned for a military victory, we have been
planning to win the peace.
We cannot say when military victory will come, or predict what
difficulties lie in the future. As we know for certain, many
difficulties remain and the one thing that we do know is the coalition
will prevail. But it is essential to continue planning for what comes
after Saddam Hussein's regime.
Our goals are clear: We will help Iraqis build an Iraq that is whole,
free and at peace with itself and with its neighbors; an Iraq that is
disarmed of all WMD [weapons of mass destruction]; that no longer
supports or harbors terror; that respect the rights of Iraqi people
and the rule of law; and that is on the path to democracy.
To achieve these goals, we will dismantle the tyrannical
infrastructure of Saddam Hussein's regime. That is, in fact, being
done as coalition forces go through the country. We will work with
Iraqis, our coalition partners and international organizations to
rebuild Iraq. We will leave Iraq completely in the hands of Iraqis as
quickly as possible. As the President has said, the United States
intends to stay in Iraq as long as needed, but not one day longer.
Many specific means of achieving these goals are being worked out now.
Many can only be developed once Saddam's regime is gone. To a large
extent, the means to these goals will depend on things outside our
current control. We do not know, for instance, what damage Saddam
Hussein's regime may inflict on the Iraqi people in the regime's last
gasps. We do not know what we'll find on the ground once the regime is
gone -- for instance, the condition of Iraqi natural resources or its
infrastructure. And we haven't yet heard from millions of Iraqis who
are currently not free to voice their concerns. We are, however,
committed to working with all Iraqis to implement a vision of a free
Iraq.
As to the matter of the Iraqi interim authority, about which there has
been a lot of comment, let me describe it for you. The interim
authority will be a transitional authority run by Iraqis, until a
legitimate permanent government in Iraq is established by the Iraqi
people. It will be broad-based, drawing from all of Iraq's religious
and ethnic groups, including Iraqis currently inside and outside of
Iraq. It will be a means for Iraqis to participate immediately in the
economic and political reconstruction of their country.
After the current regime is removed, the interim authority will assume
responsibility for administering many government functions and take on
further responsibilities as it becomes able. The interim authority
will not be a coalition-imposed provisional government.
Iraqis will be developing the interim authority at various stages of
the process. In liberated areas within Iraq, we have already seen the
emergence of local Iraqi leaders who are helping in the liberation of
their own country. Iraqis currently free and Iraqis who will soon be
free and Iraqis who have for decades kept alive the hopes of a free
Iraq while in exile will all have much to contribute to the interim
authority and to Iraq's future.
On the U.N. role: The coalition is committed to working in partnership
with international institutions, including, of course, the United
Nations. But I would just caution that Iraq is not East Timor, or
Kosovo, or Afghanistan. Iraq is unique. There are lessons to be
learned from the success of the process that led to the creation of
the Afghan Interim Authority. But the important thing now is to
liberate Iraq. And as the statement from the Azores summit said, we
will welcome the efforts of U.N. specialized agencies and
non-governmental organizations in providing immediate assistance to
the Iraqi people. The precise role of the U.N. will be determined in
consultations between the Iraqi people, coalition members and U.N.
officials.
The coalition will naturally have the leading role for a period of
time to assure the provision of essential services to the Iraqi
people. That action will require unity of effort. But, of course, the
United Nations has expertise in many key areas, and the coalition will
welcome its participation in postwar Iraq.
Let me just state that the goal of everyone, the coalition and the
international community, should be to return sovereignty to the Iraqi
people as soon as possible, sovereignty that has been denied them
under the reign of Saddam Hussein.
To the matter of the role of the Office of Reconstruction and
Humanitarian Assistance, the immediate focus of ORHA's efforts will be
on helping Iraqis restore the delivery of basic services -- such as
electricity, if necessary, water, basic medical care, and to make
certain that civil servants are paid, for instance. We want the ORHA
to work so that the Iraqi people can begin to live normal lives as
soon as possible, and then to chart their own future.
After the initial phase, and as more and more functions are turned
over to the interim authority, ORHA will shift to an advisory role.
The office itself, the ORHA, is a multinational coalition effort. The
Department of Defense is the lead U.S. agency in this effort.
Coalition governments and Iraqis will also be involved at every step.
The ORHA is led by Jay Garner, a retired U.S. Army general who, in
1991, helped the people of Northern Iraq establish their own
administration in that part of the country. The ORHA office reports to
General Franks, and is comprised of representatives from a range of
government agencies, including the State Department, the Department of
Defense, the Justice Department and USAID, as well as advisors from
outside the government. There are also coalition representatives in
place in the ORHA, and there will be more soon. Iraqis will be fully
involved in the operations of the ORHA.
Policy guidance for the ORHA is, of course, provided by the President,
through the Secretary of Defense, and that policy guidance is now
being developed and coordinated on an interagency basis.
ORHA will coordinate the coalition's humanitarian assistance and
reconstruction efforts with the activities of NGOs, international
organizations and other members of the international community, as
appropriate. The office already has links with U.N. agencies and NGOs
that will play an important role in postwar Iraq counterpart offices
in the governments of coalition countries, and with the various free
Iraqi groups.
Some of the offices staff is in place, but other positions are in the
process of being filled. ORHA is not a provisional government for
Iraq, civilian or military. The goal is to transition responsibilities
to the Iraqi people as soon as possible. I just want to underscore
that Iraqis will be involved in this process at its very earliest
stages.
I'm happy to take your questions.  Bill.
QUESTION: How much power will the interim authority have? There seems
to be a great deal of public disagreement about this, listening to the
statements of some members of the Iraqi diaspora, and some things that
are said on the record -- or not quite on the record -- around here.
RICE: Well, the IIA is not intended to be a provisional government.
The IIA is exactly what it says, a transitional authority that gets
Iraqis involved as early as possible in the administration and life of
the country.
Quite obviously, it needs to be -- even the IIA needs to be broadly
based, representatively based. It should have members from the exile
community that has kept alive the hope for a free Iraq for all of
these years. It should also have membership from within the country,
where there are people being liberated every day and where local
leaders are beginning to participate with the coalition in the
liberation of Iraq. And we are certain that as the liberation of Iraq
takes place, more people will emerge who can be a part of that
leadership.
The purpose of the IIA in this transitional period is, first of all,
to be a repository for sovereignty, but not to act as a provisional
government. In time, there needs to be a process by which you move
through to elections and some kind of process that allows the voice of
the Iraqi people to be heard about the governance structure. But the
interim authority is not intended to be in its earliest stages, in any
case, a provisional government.
Q: How quickly do you expect the interim authority would be up and
running? And would it be operating in certain areas of the country
while violence is still going on in other parts of the country?
RICE: Well, it's entirely possible that there could be pockets of
violence, given the way Saddam Hussein is using these death squads and
the like, and that other large parts of the country could have already
been liberated. And I think under those circumstances we'll have to
see what unfolds on the ground to see if it makes sense to perhaps
have an interim authority operating in some parts of the country. But,
really, we're going to allow events on the ground to dictate the
timing for the creation of an IIA.
But I should say that mechanisms are already -- have already been
employed and are being employed every day that should help create a
basis for an IIA. For instance, you know that we've had opposition
conferences; that helps to create a basis for an IIA. There are also
going to be mechanisms that are going to emerge as the liberation of
the country takes place, and we're looking for mechanisms by which
Iraqi leaders, local leaders can get together and, again, provide a
basis for the IIA. So I think a lot of this is going to depend on how
things unfold on the ground and what the right timing is.
Q: Dr. Rice, how do you explain -- or how do you -- how does the
Defense Department maintain control of the reconstruction effort if
the money you've asked for to pay for it Congress is not allocating to
Defense? In fact -- I know the bill is not done, but both Houses are
expected to pass it as is, and basically they're saying anybody but
Defense.
RICE: Let me be very clear what the President asked for. The President
asked for the appropriations to be made available, in a sense, to the
President for distribution. The thing that we need most here is
flexibility to use this funding so that the reconstruction effort is
effective and efficient. The Defense Department, however, has been
designated by the President -- and Secretary Rumsfeld -- by the
President as the lead agency. The other agencies are supporting
agencies to the Defense Department's effort.
It only makes sense, because we are in a war, that the phase of war
termination and immediate aftermath would be a Defense Department
effort. Now, this was all structured in a policy directive that the
President issued several months ago. And so there's a clear
understanding of this, we will make certain that however the funding
is allocated, that it gets to the appropriate places, that it gets to
General Garner, so that he can make sure that the reconstruction
effort is efficient. But I want to be very clear that the President
wants this money to be flexibility and available to the agencies that
need it.
Q: But just to clarify, Congress has said they don't agree with that,
they don't want you to have that flexibility. It's their role to
allocate the money where they see fit.
RICE: I'm just telling you what the administration has pressed for.
And the administration has pressed for this money to, in effect, be
allocated to the President for distribution.
Now, whatever comes out, we will make it work so that General Garner
has what he needs to do -- Secretary Powell is devoted to that. The
other Secretaries who are involved in this are devoted to that. So
whatever comes out of the Congress, we'll make it work. But the
President asked that that money be available to the agencies as
needed.
Q: You and other administration officials keep emphasizing that the
IIA is not a provisional government, that it's a transitional
authority. What does that mean? If it doesn't have the authority of a
government, what authority does it have? Does it help the government
of Tommy Franks -- is it an enabler for him?
RICE: It's an enabler, John, for the Iraqi people to be involved in
the administration of their own country. And it becomes a first stage
or a basis on which you can begin to build to a representative
government that can be then affirmed by the Iraqi people.
I want to remind you that we went through a similar phase in
Afghanistan. The transitional authority, the earliest stages in
Afghanistan, this was a leadership that emerged, emerged in that case
out of a conference, was really involved in administration, was then
confirmed in a loya jirga, and then began to assume the
responsibilities of a government. So there's a process here.
And what the interim authority will do, along with the Office of
Reconstruction -- Jay Garner's operation -- with the coalition
partners and with international agencies, is to make sure that the
Iraqi people are getting back on their feet -- that life is returning
to normal; that health care can be delivered; that people can go back
to school; that agriculture can get up and running. I mean, there are
just things that are going to have to be done for the Iraqi people.
The question of how we get to governance structures that are
government structures, I think we'll have to see how that evolves. But
there are a lot of people with very good ideas about this.
The one thing I want to say about interim authority is that the one
condition for anybody being involved in the interim authority is that
they be devoted to certain principles about how Iraq is going to be
governed in the future; that it will have territorial integrity, that
it has to be a unified Iraq, that it has to be broadly representative,
that there is going to be respect for human rights, that there are not
going to be weapons of mass destruction in the country. There are some
principles that we would expect everybody in the IIA to be involved
in.
Q: And a last step before elections, would the interim authority have
political power at that point?
RICE: John, I think we have to get there. What we're concentrating on
right now is that there's going to be a day after the collapse of this
regime, and we want to be sure that the Iraqi people are as quickly as
possible returned to normal life. And we believe that the best way for
them to be returned to normal life is to have the competence of Iraqis
involved in that administration, as well.
Q: Dr. Rice, there are reports that there are up to 4,000 would-be
suicide bombers now in Iraq. How can you bring stability to the
country with this kind of pending violence? And wouldn't it be another
Northern Ireland?
RICE: We fundamentally believe that when the grip of terror that
Saddam Hussein's regime has wreaked on its own people is finally
broken and Iraqis have an opportunity to build a better future, that
you are going to see people who want to build a better future -- not
blow it up.
This is a society that, after all, 20-plus years ago was one of the
economic strengths of the Middle East. This is an educated population,
a sophisticated population that has lived under a tyrannical regime in
a reign of fear. The kinds of things that the paramilitaries are doing
now to keep that grip of fear needs to be broken. And slowly, but
surely, in the progress of coalition forces, that reign of fear is
being broken.
We believe that when Iraqi people are given the chance, they are going
to want to have a better future, not one that blows up their children
in terrorist attacks.
Q Dr. Rice, a key question. It fascinates me -- when you mentioned the
U.N., you said Iraq is not East Timor, it's not Kosovo, it's not
Afghanistan. In all of those cases, the U.N. had played a role, say,
in the case of Afghanistan, of helping to form an interim government,
and all the others in paving the way for elections. Are you saying
that the U.N. will not have a role in Iraq's political future?
RICE: I'm saying that the role of the United Nations is yet to be
determined. There is too much work still to do on the ground. What we
focused on to this point is the importance of getting the U.N.
involved in the humanitarian side. The oil-for-food program, by the
way, the resolution passed 15-0 so that we could get the oil-for-food
program authorized again. We would expect that as soon as parts of the
country is safe -- as Umm Qasr has just been declared safe -- that
U.N. and relief agencies will be able to go in.
I think we don't want to try to get into a theology here about the
U.N. role. We are going to have practical problems to solve on behalf
of the Iraqi people, and with the help of the Iraqi people. And all of
us should be looking -- whether it is the international community or
the coalition -- should be looking for a broad representative group of
Iraqis who can begin to restore life to the Iraqi people. And that has
to be the goal, is a broad-based Iraqi interim authority. And I would
think if you have a broadly-based interim Iraqi authority, everybody,
including the international community, is going to want to be
supportive of that.
Q: Can I just follow up?
RICE: Yes, you can follow up.  Yes.
Q: But you do seem to have decided that the U.N. will have a
supporting role, rather than a central role, just in the sense that
the leading decision-maker is going to be the coalition forces, in
partnership with the Iraqi people. And can you just explain how you
came to that decision; whether that was indications from the U.N., the
situation on the ground, or the aftermath of the second resolution?
RICE: No, the point here is that the U.N.'s role is -- the exact
character of the U.N.'s role is really not an issue for discussion
right now. We are not in a position, with the liberation of Iraq still
going on, to know what is going to be needed. But as Colin Powell said
yesterday, it would only be natural to expect that after having
participated and having liberated Iraq with coalition forces, and
having given life and blood to liberate Iraq, that the coalition
intends to have a leading role. I don't think -- "the" leading role. I
don't think anybody is surprised by that.
When I said that this isn't East Timor, that was a new state. When I
said, not Afghanistan; that was a failed state. When I said, not
Kosovo; it's not a state at all. Clearly, that's not Iraq. And Iraq is
a country with a pretty sophisticated bureaucracy, for instance. I
think we will look to see what technocratic talent there is among
civil servants that can help in the rebuilding of Iraq. So that's the
question here. But it shouldn't be surprising to anyone that given
what we've gone through and what we're now going through, that the
coalition will have the lead role.
I said Karen next.
Q: Are you considering at all the establishment of an interim
government, before the total fall of Baghdad, before conquering the
country, in someplace other than Baghdad that's in secure territory?
RICE: The interim authority. Possible. It is possible, but again,
we're watching how events are unfolding on the ground. We're watching
the development of potential leaders, local people, for instance, who
are coming out and supporting the coalition participating in the
liberation of their country. So there are several pacing mechanisms
here. The most important is events on the ground, but it's also the
emergence of leadership.
Q: Can I just follow up? The criticisms or the concerns that have been
expressed by some other governments is that an interim authority,
selected essentially by the United States, would not have the same
credibility in the region, or perhaps not even in Iraq, that -- one
that was chosen under some sort of international authority. How do you
respond to that?
RICE: I would say that as an interim authority emerges from the broad
base that it must be -- and that is, again, people outside the
country, people inside the country, people who have for decades fought
for a free Iraq and people who are being freed -- it's got to be
representative of ethnic and religious groups in the country, and it
has to be broadly based.
Now, I would think that something that is clearly broadly based in
that way is going to have the support of the international community
-- and ought to have the support of the international community. I
don't know what other option there is to a broad-based Iraqi interim
authority. And so I expect that we would have the support of the
international community.
Q: Dr. Rice, this is another follow-up on the U.N. role. What you're
saying, do I gather that the administration -- this administration
doesn't have enough confidence in the abilities of the United Nations
to take over matters in Iraq other than overlook the humanitarian
function?
RICE: No. First of all, it's not a matter of confidence. It's a matter
of what the conditions on the ground are and it's a matter of what
will be needed to get Iraq back on its feet as quickly as possible.
The circumstances under which Iraq will have been liberated will be a
coalition effort. There will be a lot of security issues still to deal
with in Iraq -- WMD destruction, a range of issues. And so we think
it's very important that we not try to prejudge every aspect of the
post-conflict administration right now.
Nobody in this administration has said that they want the U.N. limited
to a humanitarian role. That has not been the case. We want to discuss
with the U.N. and we want to discuss with the coalition partners the
role that the U.N. may play, where its expertise makes sense. But we
want to do what's effective. This is not a matter of confidence, it's
a matter of what will be needed on the ground.
Q: As you explain this broad-based interim authority, is it fair to
say that those in the exile or expat community who have already talked
about a provisional government of only exiles initially, and those in
the administration who have spoken of getting known entity exiles or
expats into the country first, and then finding out who of the
indigenous Iraqis can be trusted -- should those people get, from what
you're saying, that it's time for them to get a message that you --
and you speaking for the President -- don't view it that way, and they
ought to just stop talking about it?
RICE: John, I've been sitting through all of these meetings. And the
vision has been, from the earliest time that we started to talk about
an Iraqi interim authority, of one that was as broadly based as
possible. Now, obviously, the expat community will bring a great deal
to the future of Iraq.
These are people, many of them who are talking about just going back
for short periods of time and trying to help with their technocratic
expertise. They're a group of expats right now who are gathered here
outside of Washington to try and arrange themselves to go in and help
their country of birth, to take on specific tasks. That's a wonderful
resource for a new Iraq. There are exiles who have carried the flame
for a free Iraq for decades -- for a decade. And let me tell you,
these are not people who have failed to take risks in carrying that
out. They have been threatened by Saddam's regime. They have an
expectation and we want them to be involved also in the future of
Iraq.
But from the first time that we started talking about an interim
authority, we talked about the importance of the emergence of people
from within, as well. And as liberation is taking place, some of those
people are beginning to emerge; even more will emerge. This will be a
group that brings all Iraqis and all of their skills in support.
And so, you know, I know a lot of people have been talking, John, and
that's why I'm up here. From the very earliest stages that we talked
about an interim Iraqi authority, we have talked about the interim
Iraqi authority, itself, being as broadly based as possible. We've had
opposition conferences to have leadership committees and all kinds of
things to try to stimulate efforts on behalf of Iraq. But we've always
talked about a broadly-based authority.
Q: Has that message not sunk in, perhaps, specifically in the case of
the Iraqi National Congress and its leader, when you talked about a
provisional government?
RICE: When we talk with members of the Iraqi National Congress and
others, they are supportive of the idea that you must have
representation from people who are inside the country -- both those
who are currently free, some of them free only in the last few days,
and people who are still to be freed.
One more question.  Jim.
Q: If I could, the legal --
Q: -- who's going to identify the leaders and what criteria?
RICE: I think we don't give the Iraqi people enough credit for being
able to identify people who can lead them. In some of these
communities, these local communities, you're already having leadership
emerge. When you get rid of the reign of fear that Saddam Hussein has
wreaked on people who hold their communities together, you're going to
see leadership emerge.
And so it's not as if somebody is picking these people; these people
are emerging from Iraq. Just as in the exile community, these are
people who have emerged because they have fought the long fight and
they ought to be a part of Iraq's future.
Ultimately, there will have to be a process of elections and all of
the things that go with democracy, that will finally affirm what the
actual government of Iraq will be. But in this interim stage, there's
no reason to believe that the Iraqis cannot help -- cannot identify
the people who will be a part of the interim Iraqi --
Q: Will the interim authority be a sort of legally constituted
authority over Iraq that would be able to make decisions that would
otherwise be made by a government, beyond, say, what you seem to be
saying, which was sort of the civil authority that would repair and
make sure the services were available, and so forth?
RICE: There's going to be -- there will be a process of getting to a
group of Iraqis or Iraqis who have gone through different processes
and different mechanisms to take on more authority over time. But in
the initial phases, we expect the interim authority to be involved in
the administrative task; we expect the interim authority to work with
the Office of Humanitarian Effort and Reconstruction; and we expect
that all of this will have international organizations, the U.N. and
others, involved in it, too.
We have coalition partners who are involved, we have international
organizations that need to be involved, and we have Iraqis who need to
be involved. There's going to be a lot of work for everybody to do.
And I think the mistake is to try to jump ahead to governance
structures. There will be a time when governance structures will have
to emerge in Iraq. They do not have to emerge right away.
Q: But it will be that group that would sort of envision how you make
that leap?
RICE: I think in time -- certainly it will be one of the repositories
of that, but there are also those who have written and thought for
years about how an Iraqi constitution might look, about how rights
might be assured for the Iraqi people.
Thank you very much.  I've got to catch the helicopter.
Q: What about the meeting with Blair?
RICE: The Blair meeting -- it's one in a series of what they've been
doing. You know, he was just recently at Camp David. We'll go to
Northern Ireland. And the President is also very pleased that the
Prime Minister has asked him to come at this time, because it is
apparently a very important moment for participants in the Good Friday
Agreement. There is a belief that some progress can be made, and so
the President is going to try to lend his efforts to that, as well.
Thank you very much.
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)



NEWSLETTER
Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list