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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

Washington File

10 July 2003

Transcript: U.S. Seeks to Maximize International Assistance To Iraq, Feith Says

(Says Iraq should stand on its own as soon as possible) (5390)
"Iraq should be a proud sovereign country standing on its own two feet
as soon as it can," and not become a ward of the international
community, says a top Defense Department policy official .
Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Doug Feith told an audience at
the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington July
7 that the United States is pursuing three high priorities in Iraq:
"improving security, increasing the quality of life, and creating
Iraqi self-government."
The U.S. wants to maximize international contributions to the work of
the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in Iraq, he said: "the
future of Iraq should be a matter of concern to all countries, not
just the United States."
So far, Feith said, 45 countries have offered military support for
security and stability operations in Iraq, with military assets on the
ground from 18 nations. "The capabilities range from combat divisions
and brigades to field hospitals," he said.
"The United Kingdom and Poland have each agreed to lead multinational
divisions to meet stability and security requirements. Other countries
are considering doing so. And still other countries have indicated
their willingness to participate in peacekeeping, in some cases by
contributing units from their national police forces such as Italy's
'carbinieri,'" Feith said. Although the two NATO members have agreed
to lead multinational divisions in Iraq, he said, it would be "a happy
circumstance if NATO were able to take over responsibility for
security in Iraq, but we are far from that stage at present."
The United States doesn't and shouldn't act alone, Feith said,
addressing the charge of U.S. unilateralism in the world. "It's wrong
and simplistic to assert that we do or that we want to (act
unilaterally). As our coalition work in Iraq demonstrates, when we act
we do so in recognition of the benefits that come from cooperation
with our allies and friends. We have earned the trust of those allies
and friends and we shall earn the trust of the Iraqi people by helping
them create a secure and free Iraq," he added.
The official also defended postwar planning in Iraq. "It is not right
to assume that any current problems in Iraq can be attributed to poor
planning," Feith said, because the conduct of war "always involves
trade-offs."
While considerable progress has been made in restoring basic services
such as electric power and flowing potable water, Feith said, much of
the media coverage concentrates on the situation in Baghdad alone,
where electric and water problems are most severe. He attributed
continuing setbacks primarily "to sabotage."
Feith acknowledged that without the provision of basic services and
increased employment "popular dissatisfaction will aggravate the
security problem and make it harder to create the moderate, democratic
political environment in which new political institutions can be
created."
Feith described the Iraqi security situation as complex, with
stability operations under way in some areas of the country while
small-scale combat operations are occurring elsewhere. Ameliorating
the unsettled situation, he said, will require several projects
currently under way to reach fruition: the reconstitution of the Iraqi
civilian police force and the Iraqi judicial system, as well as the
creation of the New Iraqi Army.
Feith said there are at least five groups still causing trouble in the
post-Saddam Hussein era: "Remnants of the Ba'athist regime, foreign
Islamist terrorists, Islamists influenced by Iran, looters who are
taking advantage of an opportunity to steal, and the general
criminality that is let loose when the repressive apparatus of a
totalitarian regime suddenly disappears." Security problems have been
exacerbated, he said, "by the fact that last year, the Saddam Hussein
regime suddenly released thousands of criminals from its prisons."
Following is the transcript of Feith's remarks as delivered:
(begin transcript)
U.S. Department of Defense DoD News Briefing
Douglas J. Feith, USD (Policy)
Monday, July 7, 2003
Feith:  Thank you, John -- good afternoon.
It's an honor to be here to address you. The Center for Strategic and
International Studies commands great respect in our government.
(Former Deputy Defense Secretary) John Hamre leads the Center ably as
you all know and produces work that improves our understanding of an
impressive range of national security issues.
John has asked me to offer some thoughts about the creation of a new,
free Iraq -- and, in particular, the question of how the United States
and the Coalition can build trust there. We want the Iraqis to trust
our competence and good faith. Also, the United States wants many
countries to contribute to the Coalition's work in Iraq. It helps if
they trust U.S. leadership.
The foundation of U.S. policy in Iraq is that Iraq belongs to the
Iraqis. Coalition forces are there to liberate the country, not
conquer it and not exploit it. We intend for the Iraqis to run their
own affairs as soon as possible. And we are taking care that Iraq's
economic resources are used honestly, efficiently and transparently
for the benefit of the Iraqi people.
The United States has the following high-priority objectives in Iraq:
Improving security, increasing the quality of life and creating Iraqi
self-government.
To help us attain these objectives, and to emphasize that the future
of Iraq should be a matter of concern to all countries, not just the
United States, we also have an instrumental objective -- maximizing
international contributions.
I'd like to give you a quick status report on these objectives:
Security is our most important and pressing objective, but its
fundamental to recognize that security, economic and political
objectives are closely interrelated.
Without security we can't rebuild the Iraqi infrastructure and protect
it from sabotage. Nor can we expect Iraqi political life to revive if
Iraqis don't feel secure enough to travel, go to meetings -- express
their views without intimidation.
Now on the other hand, we can't increase employment and provide basic
services -- if we cannot increase employment and provide basic
services, popular dissatisfaction will aggravate the security problem,
and make it harder to create the moderate, democratic political
environment in which new political institutions can be created.
In addition, re-invigorating Iraqi political life and creating
institutions of Iraqi self-government are keys to improving security
and improving the economy. Until Iraqis fully absorb the fact that
they are responsible for their own destiny, we can't expect their
whole-hearted contributions to improving security and reviving the
economy.
The security situation in Iraq is complex -- in some areas, we are
engaged in what we call stability operations, but in other areas,
we're still engaged in small-scale combat operations.
As (Defense) Secretary Rumsfeld has noted, we have to deal with at
least five different groups of trouble-makers: Remnants of the
Ba'athist regime, foreign Islamist terrorists, Islamists influenced by
Iran, looters who are taking advantage of an opportunity to steal and,
the general criminality that's let loose when the repressive apparatus
of a totalitarian regime suddenly disappears. In this case, magnified
by the fact that last year, the Saddam Hussein regime suddenly
released thousands of criminals from its prisons.
Of these challenges, the most serious now arises from the remnants of
the old regime, which have not yet accepted that that regime -- and
the inordinate privileges that they received from it are gone forever.
Even though this Ba'athist problem is a serious one, it's confined
chiefly to the Sunni heartland, including part of Baghdad and several
corridors that are radiating out from the city.
In Kirkuk and Mosul in the north, the security situation has been
better, and we've succeeded in keeping the lid on the ethnic
antagonisms resulting from Saddam's Arabization policies.
In the Shi a south -- with the terrible exception of the incident
recently in which six British soldiers were killed -- the situation
has also been relatively quiet.
We're addressing the security situation in several ways -- recently
we've undertaken combat operations -- such as Desert Scorpion --
directed against the Ba'athist remnants.
Our recent offer of large rewards for information on Saddam Hussein
and his sons emphasized our determination to root out the Ba'athists
and deny them any hope of regaining political power.
In addition, we are considering options for trying former regime
officials for atrocities. We're reconstituting the Iraqi civilian
police force and -- after providing training -- putting it back on the
streets. This process takes times, for -- as one can easily imagine --
we mean to make sure that police work in the new Iraq is appropriate
for a democratic country.
We've also begun the process of creating the New Iraqi Army. Under the
leadership of (former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy) Walt
Slocombe who worked with John [Hamre] at the Pentagon during the
Clinton administration, Iraq should have a new division of 12,000
ready within a year and a 40,000-person force ready within three
years.
We understand the necessity of involving Iraqis as much as possible in
addressing the security situation. The reconstituted police force and
army are two mechanisms by which Iraqis will become responsible for
security. But we're open to other possibilities as well.
In addition, Ambassador Bremer (CPA Administrator) is reconstituting
the Iraqi judicial system, to enable it to try cases of looters,
saboteurs, and other criminals.
We've made progress with respect to providing basic services, although
we continue to encounter setbacks mainly due to sabotage. Of course,
one reason the saboteurs have been so effective is that the Iraqi
infrastructure was threadbare before the war began. Saddam's neglect
of the basic infrastructure is now taking its toll.
It's important, again to distinguish among the various parts of the
country -- in particular, between Baghdad and elsewhere. News
coverage, understandably, tends to concentrate on Baghdad, where we
fact the most severe problems in providing basic services such as
electricity and water. Elsewhere in the country, the situation is
better -- and in some areas, services are more reliable than they were
pre-war.
Ambassador Bremer has recently turned his attention to reviving the
Iraqi economy. Much ink has been spilt on discussing certain large
contracts awarded to U.S. companies for Iraqi reconstruction. But
equally important is the fact that these prime contractors are being
encouraged to make maximum use of Iraqi subcontractors on their
project. In addition, a large public works project is being
inaugurated to provide employment.
It bears mentioning that quality of life problems are rooted not in
the war -- which did remarkably little damage to the Iraq
infrastructure -- but in the terrible conditions that Saddam created
over decades, which have been compounded by post-war sabotage and
looting.
As today's newspapers report, we are moving forward on creating an
Iraqi Interim Administration that will give Iraqis a meaningful
opportunity to participate immediately in Iraq's governance. A
Governing Council is to be established soon. Our goal is to give the
Governing Council -- a representative group of Iraqis -- as much
authority as possible, and in time turn the various ministries over to
their control. This group would also serve as the Iraqi people's
representative to the Coalition Provisional Authority and to the world
at large.
Yesterday (July 7), the Baghdad City Advisory Council held its first
meeting. Together with the Baghdad Executive Committee, this
represents a major step in turning over the running of Baghdad to
Iraq. The development has been reflected throughout the country by the
establishment of local councils of Iraqis.
Along with these interim structures, we're moving ahead on plans to
convene a constitutional conference to draft a new constitution for
Iraq. Iraqis will play a large role in drawing up these plans. While
no final decisions have yet been made, it's clear that it will be up
to Iraqis to draft and ratify their new constitution.
This month will be a political turning point for Iraq -- we will see
the beginnings of the process of creating Iraqi self-government after
more than three decades of horrendous tyranny. No one should expect
this to be easy. So far, the various parts of Iraqi society have
remained committed to the idea of a united Iraq in which all ethnic
groups will participate.
Contrary to some predictions, we haven't seen any tendency for ethnic
and sectarian groups to try to break away from Iraq and form their own
political entities. As long as this commitment to a united Iraq is
maintained, I believe that the prospects for a pluralistic Iraq -- in
which no one group dominates the others -- are good.
Tomorrow will mark three months from that amazing day when the statue
of Saddam was toppled in the center of Baghdad. It may seem a long
time, but in the life of a nation, it isn't. If in three months we are
able to set Iraq firmly on the path to self-government, then we shall
have achieved a great strategic victory.
The Coalition Provision Authority is, as its name indicates, a
coalition effort. Personnel from coalition countries serve as integral
members of its staff. The Council for International Cooperation,
headed by a Pole, has been set up to help coordinate the contributions
from a wide variety of countries.
The U.N. Secretary General's Special Representative, Mr. (Sergio
Vieira) de Mello, has been closely involved in the process of creating
the Governing Council. Together with the Iraq Development Fund's
International Advisory and Monitoring Board, the Special
Representative provides transparency into the Coalition's efforts to
rebuild Iraq. He will be in a position to report to the U.N. on our
progress, and to dispel any suspicious about our intentions.
Over 45 nations have made offers of military support for security and
stability operations. Currently, 18 countries have military
capabilities on the ground in Iraq. The capabilities range from combat
divisions and brigades to field hospitals. The United Kingdom and
Poland have each agreed to lead multinational divisions to meet
stability and security requirements. Other countries are considering
doing so. And still other countries have indicated their willingness
to participate in peacekeeping, in some cases by contributing units
from their national police forces, such as Italy's "carabinieri."
There has been much discussion of a NATO role for Iraq -- in Iraq. As
I've noted, two NATO members have agreed to lead multinational
divisions, many of whose participants will be NATO members. It would
be a happy circumstance if NATO were able to take over responsibility
for security in Iraq, but we are far from that stage at present.
And our job is to stabilize Iraq to the point that the burden of
maintaining stability will be much smaller than it is at present and,
at that point, we would have to evaluate whether Iraqis could not bear
most of that burden on their own.
And now I'd like to offer a few comments about post-war planning.
Planning was done regarding a long list of problems that were
anticipated, including such things as Iraqi destruction of the oil
fields, Iraqi chemical and biological weapons use, large-scale refugee
flows across borders, large numbers of internally displaced persons,
food shortages, large-scale ethnic bloodletting, Turkish-Kurdish
fighting, a collapse of the Iraqi currency and a long list of other
horribles.
Fortunately, most of the anticipated problems never materialized.
Instead, we are facing some of the problems brought on by our very
success in the war in particular, our ability to use speed to pre-empt
many of the actions that we were afraid Saddam might take. Now we
infer this from such facts as the failure of the regime to finish
wiring bridges and oil fields and its failure to detonate those
facilities that were wired.
What surprised the regime was the initiation of the war before we had
larger forces in place, before we landed the Fourth Infantry Division,
for example. Had we decided that large numbers of forces -- large
enough to police the cities to prevent the immediate
post-regime-collapse looting -- were the top priority, we could have
delayed the start of the military action and lost tactical surprise,
but then we might have had the other terrible problems that we
anticipated. War, like life in general, always involves trade-offs. It
is not right to assume that any current problems in Iraq can be
attributed to poor planning.
Now I'd like to change from my talk about operational considerations
to a few comments about unilateralism. This is a matter that widely
affects views of U.S. trustworthiness.
Critics of U.S. policy have tagged President Bush a unilateralist but
the administration did not act in Iraq unilaterally vis-à-vis the
Congress and the United States did not act in Iraq unilaterally
vis-à-vis the world. U.S. officials made the case that Saddam
Hussein's regime was a threat that required action.
I won't rehearse here the now-well-known substance of the case, but it
stood chiefly on the regime's long record regarding aggression,
weapons of mass destruction (WMD), terrorism and tyranny. Of
particular importance was Saddam's defiance of the series of the U.N.
Security Council resolutions aimed at compelling and confirming Iraq's
elimination of its weapons of mass destruction materials and programs.
Now in time, we'll learn the truth about Saddam's weapons of mass
destruction. But given what we knew the Iraqi regime had and did --
for example, its use of poison gas against Iranians and Kurds, its
program to deceive the U.N. inspectors, its cooperation with terrorist
groups, including al-Qaeda, and its failure to account for known WMD
items, including the mobile biological weapons labs -- the danger of
WMD in Saddam's hands appeared grave.
Before the military action in Iraq, President Bush ensured that his
administration would not go it alone. He won a vote of support from
the Congress, he led the U.N. Security Council in adopting Resolution
1441 and helped persuade more than 40 states to provide support and
join the Coalition. Three of them provided combat forces on the
ground.
There will long be controversy over the ways and the extent to which a
U.S. President should seek congressional and international support for
a military action he deems necessary to defend U.S. interests. This is
not a simple question.
Bold unilateralism is an unsatisfactory answer, for the United States
has moral and practical interests in showing a decent respect to the
opinions of mankind, as our Declaration of Independence put it. But it
is also unsatisfactory, I believe, to assume that the U.N. or any
other international organization is inherently more legitimate, wiser
or more proper or effective a check and balance on the President than
are the institutions envisioned in the U.S. Constitution.
This is a controversy on which debate should continue for years, as
the Americans and others think through the current terrorist, WMD and
other threats and how the civilized nations can protect themselves and
protect the state system. The debate deserves better than
name-calling. It is worthy of careful thought.
The United States does not and should not act alone in the world. It's
wrong and simplistic to assert that we do or that we want to. As our
Coalition work in Iraq demonstrates, when we act we do so in
recognition of the benefits that come from cooperation with our allies
and friends. We have earned the trust of those allies and friends and
we shall earn the trust of the Iraqi people by helping them create a
secure and free Iraq.
In closing, I would like to pay tribute to the remarkable men and
women who are serving our country in Iraq.
General Abizaid, John Abizaid, who just took the reins of CENTCOM over
from General Franks yesterday (July 7), is a bold and thoughtful
officer who inherits a force whose courage and ability was
demonstrated during the wars major combat operations. Those virtues
are still operational as we confront the challenges of bringing
stability and true peace to Iraq.
Ambassador Jerry Bremer is a forceful, capable leader who in only a
few weeks have energized the Coalition Provisional Authority and begun
the process of enabling Iraqis to take over their own affairs. He
leads a talented and brave group of men and women who have been
operating under very difficult circumstances.
We owe General Abizaid and Ambassador Bremer, and all their
subordinates -- military and civilian -- an immense debt of gratitude
as they do a job of vast complexity and surpassing importance.
Thank you.
(Applause).
Ladies and Gentlemen Secretary Feith will now take questions directly
from the audience.
Question: I had a question for (Under) Secretary do you think that the
threats to the U.S. forces in Iraq maybe the Army -- the Iraqi Army --
after there are 400,000 men -- Iraqis and who now see no future for
incentives or (Inaudible.) and if so do you think that putting them
(Inaudible.) and getting them out of harms way (Inaudible.) and other
things might perhaps (Inaudible.) some of the threats against U.S.
forces?
Feith: It s an interesting question because it shows that we obviously
are not doing a good enough job of explaining what we're actually
doing in Iraq. The good thoughts that you just offered have been on
the minds of our people working on this subject, in particular, Walt
Slocombe whom I mentioned his responsibility is for the creation of
the New Iraqi Army for many weeks now. And we in fact, are moving to
implement the ideas that you raised.
The Iraqi Armed Forces were disestablished but the people are
receiving payments, some of them are going to become members of the
New Iraqi Army -- others are going to be used for other possible
police work or other security functions, and others will be used for
other public works functions in the country.
And it's clear that at the top levels of the Iraqi Army there were
serious problems of brutality and corruption and many of those people
were very bad people. But there were a large number of people in the
Iraqi Army who are going to be in a position to serve their country
well in the future and we are indeed focused on that issue.
Q: Could you give us more details of what you're considering for
trials for atrocities? Would it be in Truth Reconciliation
(Inaudible.)? Would it be Iraqi courts or U.S. courts or perhaps the
military commissions?
Feith: This is a subject that's under consideration right now so I
have no conclusions to report to you.
There are a lot of ideas that are being drawn from the experiences of
many different countries around the world. You referred to the Truth
and Reconciliation process that goes back into South African history
and then there are processes that were used in Eastern Europe. All of
these historical examples are being mined for thoughts that are
relevant to the Iraqi case.
Many of the atrocities are outrageous that were committed by the
regime against Iraqis and it may be most suitable to have Iraqis
running those processes -- the process for bringing justice to the
perpetrators. We're considering this right now, we're consulting with
the Iraqis about it. There are number of issues of this kind where we
are not looking to simply make the decisions we are looking to -- as
the Iraqi develop this Governing Council and other institutions of an
Interim Administration to bring the Iraqis in so that they are key
players and key decisions-makers with respect to matters of great
national and historical importance such as the prosecution of
atrocities.
Q: I wondered (Inaudible.) can you tell what happened on July 4th with
the Turkish Liaison Office in Kurdistan who gave the order
(Inaudible.) for it and what kind of communication that will the
Turkish government and military?
Feith: I can't. I'm not up to speed on all of the details there, I've
been out of town over the last period and I'm just not fully read in,
so I'm sorry I have to pass on that one.
Q: There's been talk about the (Inaudible.) contractors and government
officials that the Iraqi's need to work. Can the Iraqi companies come
to (Inaudible.) to ways (Inaudible.) companies that are going to bid
on these subcontracts? Other countries meet with the companies that
are going to bid on the contracts?
And then a second question is, is this public works programs going to
be funded out of the Iraq (Inaudible.) funds?
Feith: I don't have the operational details of how contractors move
around. But on the question of funding, there are a number of sources
of funds that are being tapped for the reconstruction effort. There
are the frozen assets of the Iraqi government that were in the United
States and elsewhere that were seized and are now available for use
for the Iraqi people.
There are the funds in the U.N. Oil for Food Escrow account and a
billion dollars of those funds were transferred into this new fund
created the development fund for Iraq which is also holding the oil
revenues that are beginning to come in as oil sales get underway. And
I'm pleased to say that they have gotten underway and that was a
project that was planned for, we were happy that there was not the
kind of wide spread destruction of the oil fields that we anticipated
and that as I said is clear from the fact that the oil fields were
wired. Saddam intended but didn't manage to pull off and so the damage
that was done has been repaired and oil is now flowing and the
revenues are going to help rebuild the country.
There are other sources of funds including some international
contributions and there are U.S. appropriated funds and so there are
actually multiple sources funding for the effort. I don't know which
source would be used for any particular contract but a serious effort
is being made to organize essentially a national budget for Iraq and
make sure that the expenditures are done in a sensible fashion so that
you don't have people operating, different people in the Coalition
Provisional Authority operating across purposes or redundantly.
Q:  (Inaudible.)
Feith: I can't offer a time frame. It depends on too many events that
we don't control. As the President had said, we will stay in Iraq as
long as necessary, we are going to ensure that we lay the foundation
for an Iraqi government that can function representatively with
building democratic institutions in the country. The Ba'athist are not
going to return to power and we are committed to seeing this project
through and we will stay as long as it takes.
We are not interested in staying any longer than is required. We have
no ambitions to control or dominate Iraq and will be very happy when
our work is done and we can depart.
Now -- the issue of force levels. The issue of force levels is complex
because it involves a number of players. There are the U.S. forces,
there are the force from coalition countries that are in the country
already. There are coalition force contributions that I referred to in
my remarks that we are working on organizing from other countries. The
U.K.-led multi-national division and the Polish-led multi-national
division are examples. There are also security functions being
performed by Iraqis, we have tens of thousands of police that have now
been put back on the job -- trained and put back on the job. And as I
mentioned we're in the process of training up a new Iraqi Armed force.
So you have many types of security forces coming from many places.
Our commanders access the situation, assess the security force
resources available and decide on what they think -- whether the
forces that we have there now are adequate or whether they want to
come and request more. As of now, our commanders say that the forces
are adequate. This is a judgment that is revisited continually, but as
of right now the force is in place and those in the pipeline are
considered adequate to do the job. And our goal is not to be
increasing U.S. or international force levels in Iraq, our goal is to
put Iraq under the control of Iraqi, including the security
responsibilities to the greatest extend possible as soon as possible.
And we are not looking to make Iraq a ward of the international
community. Iraq should be a proud sovereign country standing on its
own two feet as soon as it can.
Q: (Inaudible.) in terms of sending additional troops. Many of those
countries including some (Inaudible.) have indicated that they prefer
not to serve under U.S. command and it is suggested that perhaps the
(Inaudible.) should be turned over to NATO or some other international
structure. Do you see any advantage to that in terms of getting more
participation (Inaudible.)? U.S. own participation? Or in fact
decreasing the number of forces to deal with the security problem that
you outlined? And if you see any possibility that when that may
happen?
Feith: It's a routine part of force generation as it is called, that
one engages with potential contributors on a whole range of issue
including command arrangements. So we talk about this with all the
countries that are interested in coming in to play a role. And this is
true in Iraq and it's been true in other areas.
We do not see command arrangements as an insurmountable obstacle in
our dealing with several countries that appear to be most serious
about playing a role in Iraq. And so I'm pretty confident that we'll
be able to make arrangements that are satisfactory to everybody.
Q: Morale is said to be (Inaudible.) reported and if that's
increasing? And there have been no weapons of mass destruction
discovered (Inaudible.). Do you think that war was (Inaudible.)?
Feith:  No.  (Laughter.)
I don't think I agree with a single premise that you just put forward.
Q:  (Inaudible.)
Feith: That's more or less the issue that underlay all of my remarks
about trust. It's a very important question. But first I'd say I don't
think that the old regime commanded a lot of loyalty. There were
people who were obedient but I'm not sure any -- there was a great
deal of loyalty.
But the issue of developing institutions that have authority and
legitimacy in the eyes of Iraqis now is our -- it is our great
political challenge. As I said it's a challenge that's related to the
security and economic jobs that we have to do. Basically I would say
we start from a (Inaudible.) premise which is that governments derived
their authority from the consent of the government. And we believe
that that's the universal concept and that that applies to Iraqis as
well and if we create institutions that are representative and reflect
their consent, and if we do a proper job of laying the ground work for
democratic government, which is a lot more than elections by the way.
But if we lay the groundwork and create the right kinds of
institutions, which include things like private property rights, and
an independent judiciary and a free press. If we succeed in getting
those building blocks in place and can't create a government that does
in fact reflect the consent of the govern, then that government will
have the authority and the legitimacy that it needs to function. And
it's a very big challenge, and this is something that Ambassador Jerry
Bremer understands, I can say from my personal discussions with him --
he understands very well from the historical perspective, from the
(Inaudible.) point of view, right down to the very important ordinary
practicalities of trying to create these institutions. But it's a big
challenge and it will be as I mentioned a great strategic victory for
the United States and for the world and for the Middle East in
particular if we can succeed.
Thank you very much.
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)



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