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19 December 2002

Powell Says Iraq Remains "In Material Breach" Of U.N. Obligations

(Outlines four-step approach to dealing with Iraq in press conference)
(3790)
Iraq "remains in material breach of its obligations" required in
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1441, which calls for Iraq
"to disarm of its weapons of mass destruction and to disclose all of
its nuclear, chemical, biological and missile programs," said
Secretary of State Collin Powell at a December 19 press conference.
Powell told reporters that according to U.N. inspectors' findings,
Iraq has failed to provide new information in the 12,200-page
declaration document submitted to the Security Council on December
7th.
Powell said that while thousands of the document's pages are a
resubmission of incomplete material that Iraq gave the U.N. in
previous years, other sections include copies of passages from reports
written by the United Nations and the International Atomic Energy
Agency.
Powell said the Iraqi declaration is silent on its anthrax stockpile;
supplies of botchulinum toxin (a biological agent) from which mustard
gas, sarin gas and VX nerve gas can be produced; and the procurement
and use of high-strength aluminum tubes that can be used in a nuclear
weapons program. The declaration does not address questions that U.N.
inspectors had in 1998 before they left Iraq, he said.
Powell presented a four-step approach to deal with Iraq in the coming
weeks: audit and examine the Iraqi declaration "to understand the full
extent of Iraq's failure to meet its disclosure obligations;" conduct
interviews with scientists and other witnesses outside of Iraq by U.N.
inspectors; intensify U.N. inspectors' efforts inside Iraq, with the
full support and assistance of the U.N. Security Council; and consult
with the Security Council and U.S. allies on how to compel Iraq to
comply with the terms of the resolution.
Powell said that although there is no calendar deadline by which Iraq
has to show compliance, "there is a practical limit to how much longer
you can just go down the road of noncooperation and how much time the
inspectors can be given to do their work. ... This situation cannot
continue."
Asked if the United States will seek another resolution from the
Security Council authorizing military action, Powell reiterated
President Bush's interest in the peaceful disarmament of Iraq. However
if this is not possible, said Powell, "it will be done by force."
"We are doing everything we can to avoid war. The President has made
that clear. But if war comes, the only thing I would say about the
nature of that conflict is that it will done in a way that would
minimize the loss of life, and it would be done to be accomplished is
as swift a manner as possible, and for the purpose of getting rid of
weapons of mass destruction and liberating the Iraqi people," said
Powell.
According to Powell, "Resolution 1441 was the latest in a long string
of Security Council resolutions since Iraq's invasion of Kuwait.
Previous resolutions, which included requirements to disarm and to end
the cruel repression of the Iraqi people, have all been defied or
ignored by Iraq."
Following is the text of Secretary of State Colin Powell's December 19
Press Conference on Iraq:
(begin text)
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
For Immediate Release                                     
December 19, 2002
2002/1145
PRESS CONFERENCE
Secretary Of State Colin L. Powell
December 19, 2002
Washington, D.C.
(2:30 p.m. EST)
SECRETARY POWELL: Well, good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. On
November 8th, the United Nations Security Council responded to the
challenge issued by President Bush in his 12 September speech to the
United Nations General Assembly. On that day, the Security Council
unanimously passed Resolution 1441, requiring Iraq to disarm itself of
its weapons of mass destruction and to disclose all of its nuclear,
chemical, biological and missile programs.
Resolution 1441 was the latest in a long string of Security Council
resolutions since Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. Previous resolutions,
which included requirements to disarm and to end the cruel repression
of the Iraqi people, have all been defied or ignored by Iraq.
Resolution 1441 recognized that Iraq "has been and remains in material
breach of its obligations," but gave the Iraqi regime, again, a final
opportunity to comply with its disarmament obligations.
Iraq's answer came on December 7th in a 12,200-page document submitted
to the Security Council.
Resolution 1441 required Iraq to submit a declaration on all its mass
weapons program of destruction, a declaration that was "currently
accurate, full and complete," in the words of the resolution.
The inspectors told the Security Council this morning that the
declaration fails to answer many open questions. They said that in
some cases they even have information that directly contradicts Iraq's
account.
Our experts have also examined the Iraqi document. The declaration's
title echoes the language of Resolution 1441. It is called, "Currently
Accurate, Full and Complete Declaration." But our experts have found
it to be anything but currently accurate, full or complete. The Iraqi
declaration may use the language of Resolution 1441, but it totally
fails to meet the resolution's requirements.
The inspectors said that Iraq has failed to provide new information.
We agree. Indeed, thousands of the document's pages are merely a
resubmission of material it gave the United Nations years ago,
material that the UN has already determined was incomplete.
Other sections of the Iraqi declaration consists of long passages
copied from reports written by the United Nations and the
International Atomic Energy Agency. The only changes the Iraqi regime
made were to remove references critical to its own conduct. The
declaration totally fails to address what we had learned about Iraq's
prohibited weapons programs before the inspectors were effectively
forced out in 1998.
And let me just touch on a few examples, and we'll be giving out a
fact sheet later with additional examples.
Before the inspectors were forced to leave Iraq, they concluded that
Iraq could have produced 26,000 liters of anthrax. That is three times
the amount Iraq had declared. Yet, the Iraqi declaration is silent on
this stockpile, which, alone, would be enough to kill several million
people.
The regime also admitted that it had manufactured 19,180 liters of a
biological agent called botchulinum toxin. UN inspectors later
determined that the Iraqis could have produced 38,360 additional
liters. However, once again, the Iraqi declaration is silent on these
missing supplies.
The Iraqi declaration also says nothing about the uncounted,
unaccounted precursors from which Iraq could have produced up to 500
tons of mustard gas, sarin gas and VX nerve gas.
Nor does the declaration address questions that have arisen since the
inspectors left in 1998. For example, we know that in the late 1990s,
Iraq built mobile biological weapons production units. Yet, the
declaration tries to waive this away, mentioning only mobile
refrigeration vehicles and food-testing laboratories.
We also know that Iraq has tried to obtain high-strength aluminum
tubes which can be used to enrich uranium in centrifuges for a nuclear
weapons program. The Iraqi regime is required by Resolution 1441 to
report those attempts. Iraq, however, has failed to provide adequate
information about the procurement and use of these tubes.
Most brazenly of all, the Iraqi declaration denies the existence of
any prohibited weapons programs at all. The United States, the United
Nations and the world waited for this declaration from Iraq. But
Iraq's response is a catalogue of recycled information and flagrant
omissions. It should be obvious that the pattern of systematic holes
and gaps in Iraq's declaration is not the result of accidents or
editing oversights or technical mistakes. These are material omissions
that, in our view, constitute another material breach.
We are disappointed, but we are not deceived. This declaration is
consistent with the Iraqi regime's past practices. We have seen this
game again and again -- an attempt to sow confusion and buy time,
hoping the world will lose interest. This time, the game is not
working. This time, the international community is concentrating its
attention and increasing its resolve as the true nature of the Iraqi
regime is revealed again.
On the basis of this declaration, on the basis of the evidence before
us, our path for the coming weeks is clear.
First, we must continue to audit and examine the Iraqi declaration to
understand the full extent of Iraq's failure to meet its disclosure
obligations.
Second, the inspections should give high priority to conducting
interviews with scientists and other witnesses outside of Iraq, where
they can speak freely. Under the terms of Resolution 1441, Iraq is
obligated -- it is their obligation -- to make such witnesses
available to the inspectors.
Third, the inspectors should intensify their efforts inside Iraq. The
United States, and I hope other Council members, will provide the
inspectors with every possible assistance, all the support they need
to succeed in their crucial mission. Given the gravity of the
situation, we look forward to frequent reports from Dr. Blix and Dr.
El Baradei.
Finally, we will continue to consult with our friends, with our
allies, and with all members of the Security Council on how to compel
compliance by Iraq with the will of the international community.
But let there be no misunderstanding. As Ambassador John Negroponte
said earlier today, Saddam Hussein has so far responded to this final
opportunity with a new lie. The burden remains on Iraq. Not on the
United Nations. Not on the United States. The burden remains on Iraq
to cooperate fully and for Iraq to prove to the international
community whether it does or does not have weapons of mass
destruction. We are convinced they do until they prove to us
otherwise.
Resolution 1441 calls for serious consequences for Iraq if it does not
comply with the terms of the resolution. Iraq's noncompliance and
defiance of the international community has brought it closer to the
day when it will have to face these consequences. The world is still
waiting for Iraq to comply with its obligations. The world will not
wait forever. Security Council Resolution 1441 will be carried out in
full. Iraq can no longer be allowed to threaten its people and its
region with weapons of mass destruction. It is still up to Iraq to
determine how its disarmament will happen. Unfortunately, this
declaration fails totally to move us in the direction of a peaceful
solution.
And now I'd be prepared to take some questions.
QUESTION:  Mr. Secretary.
SECRETARY POWELL:  Yes.
QUESTION: I'm a little confused because this was to have been Iraq's
last chance and you've just laid out four additional things, including
interviewing scientists, and you're still saying that Iraq has the
opportunity to so-and-so and so-and-so. I don't know if you're saying
an airtight case hasn't been made or somehow you have some slim hope
it can be turned around by Iraq.
SECRETARY POWELL: It remains to be seen. The resolution was its last
chance and there were obligations for Iraq in that resolution: one, to
accept the resolution; two, to provide a declaration. We have begun
our analysis of that declaration and we find so far that it has failed
to do what it was supposed to do.
But we will continue to work with UNMOVIC and IAEA and we'll consult
with other members of the Council to see what conclusions the Council
members arrive at, and to see whether or not more evidence can be
brought forward to make the case to the Council that Iraq has totally
missed its opportunity.
But so far, with respect to complying with the conditions and the
terms of 1441, Iraq is well on its way to losing this last chance.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, you've used the expression "material breach."
Can you tell us why you've chosen to use this? And how would you
answer those who have been saying this morning that by using this
without taking action you are, in fact, devaluing the expression?
SECRETARY POWELL: "Material breach." I think, perhaps, too much has
been made of the term. Material breach is a term that comes from the
law that says a party to a commitment has failed in meeting the terms
of that commitment. Iraq has done that repeatedly in the past. That's
why 1441 begins with that statement of past material breach on many
occasions by Iraq, still in material breach, and this is a new
material breach.
I don't think we are devaluing the term. I think we are using the term
to make it clear to the world that, once again, we have a breach on
the part of Iraq with respect to its obligations and therefore the
spots have not changed.
Now, I'll let the other members of the Council make their own judgment
as to whether they wish to characterize it as such right now. The
important point, I think, is that from what we heard from Dr. Blix and
Dr. El Baradei this morning, and what I heard from other members of
the Council who have spoken, is that there is no question that Iraq
continues its pattern of noncooperation, its pattern of deception, its
pattern of dissembling, its pattern of lying. And if that is going to
be the way they continue through the weeks ahead, then we're not going
to find a peaceful solution to this problem.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, is there a deadline by which Iraq has to show
this compliance, and will the United States return to the Security
Council and seek another resolution authorizing military action toward
the end of next month if Iraq does not comply?
SECRETARY POWELL: There is no calendar deadline, but obviously there
is a practical limit to how much longer you can just go down the road
of noncooperation and how much time the inspectors can be given to do
their work.
In the weeks ahead, we expect both the IAEA and UNMOVIC to give
regular reports as they get deeper into their inspection work, and as
they analyze the declaration further. There are still long sections of
the annexes that came with the declaration that have to be carefully
examined. So I would not put a timeline on it, but obviously it is not
indefinite. This situation cannot continue.
A body of evidence is slowly building since the passage of Resolution
1441, and that body of evidence shows that Iraq is still not
cooperating. It is Iraq's obligation to cooperate and they are the
ones who are supposed to be coming forward under this resolution to
demonstrate to the international community what they have done in the
past, what they might still be holding, and to come clean. And what we
have seen in this declaration is they still have not made a decision
to come clean. And the inspectors will not be able to do their work
until Iraq demonstrates that they are cooperating and they are coming
clean and bringing forward the information. And until that happens, we
should be very skeptical, and I'm afraid we should be very
discouraged, with respect to the prospects of finding a peaceful
solution.
Terri.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, when is the US planning to share its
intelligence with the inspectors, if at all? I think we were told they
were waiting until after the initial assessment. Is now the right time
to do that?
SECRETARY POWELL: We have, of course, been sharing our evaluation of
the declaration with the inspection teams of both IAEA and UNMOVIC
with respect to providing them additional forms of support that would
make the inspection effort perhaps more targeted and effective. We are
prepared to start doing that and we'll be in contact with them.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, as you know, the Vice President, in
particular, has been very skeptical about inspections. So far, the
inspectors have not turned up anything. Are you not concerned that if
another month elapses and the inspectors are not able to find any of
these weapons that you say are hidden, that that's going to undermine
your case to the world that there is, in fact, violations?
SECRETARY POWELL: We have all been skeptical of inspections because we
are basically distrustful of Saddam Hussein and the Iraqi regime, and
for good reason, and so, the President took the case to the
international community.
The declaration, I think, is further evidence of Iraq's unwillingness
to comply with the requirements of the international community. And I
don't want to prejudge what the inspectors might or might not find and
it is not clear, exactly, what they have found or not found yet. They
are getting up to speed. The number of inspectors has increased. Bits
and pieces of information will come together. I hope that when members
of the Council provide more support to the inspectors, it may make
their work even that much more effective. But I wouldn't prejudge. The
President has said repeatedly, he is interested in the disarmament of
Iraq peacefully, if possible, but if that is not possible, it will be
done by force.
QUESTION: Thank you. Mr. Secretary, if the US goes to war with Iraq,
what kind of war would it be? Will it be swift, or will it be bloody?
How will it differ from Desert Storm?
SECRETARY POWELL: We are doing everything we can to avoid war. The
President has made that clear. But if war comes, the only thing I
would say about the nature of that conflict is that it will done in a
way that would minimize the loss of life, and it would be done to be
accomplished is as swift a manner as possible, and for the purpose of
getting rid of weapons of mass destruction and liberating the Iraqi
people. But I wouldn't go any further right now.
Way in the back, please.  
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, are you satisfied with the Turkish
cooperation on this Iraq subject?
SECRETARY POWELL: We have been in very close touch with the Turkish
Government at all levels, and the new Turkish Government as well, and
we are satisfied with the level of dialogue. And in the days ahead,
now that some political issues are behind us with respect to EU
accession, I think the new Turkish Government will be able to focus
more on consultation with us with respect to Turkish actions and
Turkish interests in what we are doing.
QUESTION: The Iraqi declaration helped to clarifications or more
additions, would the United States be ready and willing to accept more
qualifications of what they already said? Would you take into
consideration that they said, "Oh, yes, we forgot this year what we
actually have done with this"? Will that be possible to prevent a war?
SECRETARY POWELL: Let's see what happens in the days ahead. I can't
hypothesize on that because I have little confidence that the Iraqis
will do anything but try to -- see, we answered your question here,
but we're not answering all these other questions that perhaps you
haven't even asked us yet.
The resolution was clear: currently accurate, full and complete. It
means the burden is on them to come forward and say, "You know we've
been doing this. You know we've done it in the past. We have now
changed, turned over a new leaf, and we're giving you all the
information you need to see that we are giving this up, or anything we
still are doing we will not do and we are demonstrating to you where
this is so it can be destroyed, and we are in compliance."
But that has not been the attitude of the Iraqi Government for the
past 12 years, it is not the attitude of the Iraqi Government today,
and the world should view this with great skepticism, keep the
pressure on, make sure Iraq knows that it will be disarmed one way or
the other, and hope that the Iraqi people and Iraqi leaders, besides
Saddam Hussein, realize that they are going to disarm one way or the
other.
Charlie.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, you are also facing another crisis in
Venezuela. Can you bring us up to date on where that crisis stands?
Are things getting better, getting worse, as supply of food and fuel
is shortened?
SECRETARY POWELL: We are very concerned and we are following the
situation in Venezuela very closely. We are concerned about the
continuation of the strikes and the demonstrations in the streets that
create the possibility of violence and deep political unrest and
social unrest. We also are worried about the fact that the oil sector
is slowly shutting down, with economic consequences for all
Venezuelans, but as well as others outside of Venezuela.
We are in close touch with the Secretary General of the OAS, who is in
the lead for the community of American nations on this subject. We
have presented some ideas to the Secretary General for his
consideration. I had a conversation last week with the Foreign
Minister of Venezuela to see if we could play a helpful role.
There have been some efforts in the last day or two to put forward
ideas from both sides that might be a basis of discussion. I can't say
that much progress has been made on that. Both sides have been acting
in a rather intransigent way. But we are watching it closely and
working closely with the OAS and we are also in touch with others who
are interested, such as the Carter Center.
Last one.  Betsy, you got it.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, Mr. Blix said today that he had asked for
lists of Iraqi scientists who had worked on these programs. He said
that there were no efforts yet to try and work on modalities for
access to these people. Are you going to push them harder to -- I
mean, getting access, after all, is what you're after.
SECRETARY POWELL: We are working on modalities now and we are putting
in place, working with Dr. Blix and Dr. El Baradei, putting in place
means by which one could accomplish this interview task. It has some
complex aspects to it.
And there will be names that will be made available. And let us
remember this. Under the resolution, when those names are presented to
the Iraqi Government, they are required to provide these individuals
for interview, and for interview in a safe place, and for their
families to be in a safe place where they will not be in danger of
losing their lives for telling the truth.
And so we are hard at work on all of these modalities.  Thank you.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)