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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

04 December 2002

Transcript: Wolfowitz Discusses Turkish Participation in Coalition to Disarm Iraq

(Dec. 4: Deputy Defense Sec. roundtable with Turkish journalists in
Ankara) (3490)
Any military crisis with Iraq could result in economic consequences
for Turkey, and managing such consequences is one of the big issues
that U.S. and Turkish officials need to discuss further and to
clarify, Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz told Turkish
reporters in Ankara December 4.
"I think we have a better understanding after this visit than we did
before that there may be steps that can be taken to construct a kind
of safety net . that could actually minimize losses, as opposed to
simply incurring them and dealing with them afterwards," he said.
Wolfowitz said he was encouraged that Turkey's newly elected
government has expressed strong support for international efforts to
disarm Iraqi President Saddam Hussein of weapons of mass destruction
and for the need to have "a credible threat of force behind the United
Nations" in achieving this goal.
"I think developing concretely the military options is a key part of
trying to convince the Iraqi regime that this has to be resolved
peacefully," he said. "But it is also important for people to
understand that -- it may seem like a paradox -- but you are not going
to get to a peaceful resolution if you create any doubt in Saddam's
mind ultimately there is the possibility of force behind it."
If the use of force becomes necessary, Wolfowitz told the journalists,
the level of Turkish participation or the level of U.S. forces that
would operate out of Turkey is something that the two sides still need
to determine more precisely, but he said the range of possible Turkish
participation is probably broader than that of any other coalition
partner.
"It involves not only the use of bases, but possibly the use of land
routes, the airspace, and questions, too, possibly about a role of
Turkish forces," he said, although he added that the United States
isn't "in a position to make specific requests, and obviously the
Turkish Government is not in a position to give us specific answers."
What is worth emphasizing, he said, is that "I think we can count on
the fact -- that Turkey will be with us. That's the important point."
Following is a transcript of Wolfowitz's roundtable with Turkish
journalists in Ankara:
(begin transcript)
U.S. Department of Defense
News Briefing
DEPUTY SECRETARY OF DEFENSE PAUL WOLFOWITZ ROUNDTABLE DISCUSSION WITH
TURKISH JOURNALISTS
Hilton Hotel
Ankara, Turkey
Wednesday, Dec. 4, 2002
WOLFOWITZ: I will just make a few comments at the start. We had a very
busy day yesterday and a packed schedule from the moment we landed
here until about eleven o'clock at night. It's I think representative
of the very busy days that this new Turkish Government is having with
a very very full agenda of international foreign policy issues. Even
if there were no need to discuss the subject of Iraq, the agenda of
Copenhagen, of Turkey's hopes to get a date for EU accession, the
issue of Cyprus would be totally preoccupying and in some ways it was
preoccupying. I think it is the reason why when our meeting went late
with the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister had already had to move
on to see [British Foreign Secretary] Jack Straw. So it's symbolic of
just how busy things have been. But I am very encouraged by the
discussions we've had with this new Government.
I saw the Defense Minister, had a long discussion with the Prime
Minister, and an even longer dinner last night with Mr. Erdogan, the
head of the party. In general what we found was a very strong
affirmation of what we've been observing the last couple of weeks
already, which is this government's commitment to Turkey's role in
Europe, to Turkey's aspirations to join the European Union, to the
values that have been at the heart of Turkish aspirations since the
founding of Turkish democracy early in the last century, of freedom
and democracy and a commitment to secularism. All of those things have
been strongly expressed by this new government and, as I say,
including by the Prime Minister and Mr. Erdogan.
It was also encouraging though not surprising to hear this new
government express its strong support for what President Bush is
trying to achieve and what the United Nations is trying to achieve
with Iraq: to try, by presenting the Iraqi regime with a strongly
unified international community, to achieve the disarmament of Iraqi
weapons of mass destruction, hopefully and preferably peacefully, or
voluntarily, but if necessary by the use of force. And I think if
anything this new government has a better common understanding with us
about the need to resolve that problem and about the need to have a
credible threat of force behind the United Nations if we hope to
resolve that problem peacefully, at the same time very strongly hoping
that in fact a peaceful outcome will be possible. But our chances of
that peaceful outcome are definitely dependent on the Iraqi regime
recognizing that they have no alternative to disarming themselves
peacefully if they want to survive as a regime. And I think this new
government understands that, and we heard very strong expressions of
Turkish solidarity with the United States and of Turkish commitment to
be with us as they have been with us in virtually every crisis of the
past 50 years or 60 years. So I think all of that on the broad level
is very encouraging. On the sort of very concrete specific level, we
have agreement to proceed with the next immediate steps of military
planning and preparations. We need to take those steps before we will
be in a position to make specific decisions about whether and where
and which forces might be based in Turkey.
There are some big issues that we need to discuss further and have
more clarity about in the process, particularly I would say issues
about how to manage the economic consequences of any military crisis
with Iraq. I think we have a better understanding after this visit
than we did before that there may be steps that can be taken to
construct a kind of safety net -- if I can use that term, I think that
is what we talked about in Turkey's earlier economic crisis last year
-- a safety net that could actually minimize losses, as opposed to
simply incurring them and dealing with them afterwards.
Secondly, we've got important issues to discuss about exactly what
military measures would need to be taken in northern Iraq if there is
a use of force to make sure that we achieve the goals that both our
governments have agreed on: maintaining the territorial integrity of
Iraq, ensuring that there is not an independent state established in
northern Iraq, and that the rights of Iraqi Turkomen are respected.
So we have some concrete military planning work to do, we have some
sort of more political/military, political/economic/military planning
to do, and we hope to have some more discussions at the highest levels
of both our governments. In fact, last night I was able to extend an
invitation to Mr. Erdogan from President Bush to come to Washington.
We are hopeful that he might be able to come as early as next week, in
which case we might be able to get one more round of discussions with
him before Copenhagen [the European Union Summit December 12-13].
Obviously the Copenhagen issues are probably at the top of the Turkish
agenda, but the subject of Iraq is right up there as well.
QUESTION: Sir, yesterday you said that Turkey has a role to play
towards Iraq policy. What kind of role do you foresee for Turkey? Can
you give some details? For example, do you request from the Turkish
Government the use of Turkish forces on the northern side? Can you
give some details?
WOLFOWITZ: We're working on the details. The important role is the one
that I think is very clear and should be very clear to the regime in
Baghdad that Turkey is with us, that Turkey has been with us in the
past, and that they're with us now and will be in the future. The
Iraqi regime is literally surrounded by the international community,
and has got to choose between disarming itself voluntarily or being
disarmed by the use of force. If it comes to the use of force, the
level of Turkish participation, or the level of U.S. forces that would
operate out of Turkey is something that we still need to determine
with precision. You can count on the fact -- I think we can count on
the fact -- that Turkey will be with us. That's the important point.
It is also worth emphasizing that the range of possible Turkish
participation is broader than probably any other coalition partner. It
involves not only the use of bases, but possibly the use of land
routes, the airspace, and questions too possibly about a role of
Turkish forces. But the more extensive our role from here, the more
extensive Turkish participation, I think depends also on getting more
clarity between us -- and in fact with the people of northern Iraq --
about what we hope to see in northern Iraq after the Saddam Hussein
regime. We've been very clear on the broad principles. I think we're
now at the point of needing to have some more clarity about the
details.
Q: You've used a sentence something like we need to specifically
decide which forces might be based and we need some further clarity.
Now do we understand that now we have a commitment from the Turkish
side to, for instance, base some American forces on Turkish land, that
we would go on planning on that?
WOLFOWITZ: To continue on planning, the commitment from the Turkish
side is that Turkey will be with us. In exactly what ways they will be
with us is something that we need to work out. We need to understand
ourselves what the potential is of different Turkish facilities. We
need to understand with real precision now how much money will have to
be invested in different facilities to make them useful for American
forces. We are not talking about small expenditures. We are talking
about probably several hundred million dollars of potential, possible
improvements to the range of facilities that we're looking at. So
until we've done that work, we aren't in a position to make specific
requests, and obviously the Turkish Government is not in a position to
give us specific answers. But, we do have agreement to proceed with
the kind of planning work that will give both our governments those
options.
I think developing concretely the military options is a key part of
trying to convince the Iraqi regime that this has to be resolved
peacefully. I've noticed many comments in the Turkish press about the
importance of exhausting every effort to resolve this problem
peacefully if possible. (inaudible) that is the view of the United
States as well the view of our President. But it is also important for
people to understand that -- it may seem like a paradox -- but you are
not going to get to a peaceful resolution if you create any doubt in
Saddam's mind ultimately there is the possibility of force behind it.
It is always a prime balance to draw between affirming your interest
in a peaceful resolution and making clear your resolve to settle the
problem in one way or another. I think our President has been very
clear on those points.
Q: Would you say that all these efforts -- millions and millions of
dollars spent on rehabilitation of some facilities and everything
--would you call it a step for deterrence or would you call it a step
for an attack?
WOLFOWITZ: I would call it an investment in peace, to be honest. But
let's be clear. It is very important to be clear. If anyone thought I
said we have decided to spend this kind of money, then you're several
weeks at least ahead of me. What I said is we have to make decisions
about whether to make that investment. And the Turkish Government has
to make decisions about whether to have us make that kind of
investment. Until we know with precision which facilities we are
talking about and how much money we would be spending, neither
government is quite yet at the point of a decision. So, don't make it
sound as though we are rushing out to spend that money. But I think it
is an investment in peace. It is part of deterrence, and our hope
would be that we never have to use it. That would be the best possible
outcome that would save a lot of money in the long run.
Q: How about the involvement of the Turkish military in the case of a
crisis? Do you have a separate view on the possible role of the
Turkish side -- that the Turkish military could play? Because there
are press reports that your side would like the role of the Turkish
army, especially in northern Iraq, to be restricted to certain
missions, whereas the Turkish side would have a bigger...
WOLFOWITZ: I have a lot of sympathy for the press reports, because
people are grappling to try to understand what takes place, and
understandably our military planning has to be a secret. So, there is
a lot of speculation, and I can't give you precision. I can say that
the range of issues that we still have to clarify is broad. There are
a broad range of possibilities for Turkish participation. Stop me if
I've said this already to this group -- I've said it once or twice
this morning -- Turkey has more potentially to contribute to this
effort than any other coalition partner, both in facilities and
overflight rights and bases of various kinds, and even possibly in
forces. But the more one gets into discussion of Turkish forces, the
more clarity we have to have, the more clarity Turkey has to have, and
the more clarity the people in northern Iraq have to have about
exactly what final outcome we are looking at. I think that's clearly
an important issue.
Q: Will there be a northern front?
WOLFOWITZ: I think it's clear from the statements of the senior
officials of this government, the senior leaders of this government,
that Turkey will be with us. Turkey being with us means that the Iraqi
regime is literally surrounded by the international community. And
they better take it seriously. This is really their last chance to
decide to either have a peaceful resolution, which requires giving up
those weapons, or have us do it by force. We much prefer a peaceful
outcome.
Q: You know that Mr. Yasar Yakis made a statement and in the case of
use of force, we will give the air bases, air space permission to
United States. And during the dinner Mr. Erdogan gave the same
statement, said the same thing or how can you evaluate this statement?
WOLFOWITZ: As I said, partly because there was so much other foreign
affairs activity going on yesterday and our meeting with Prime
Minister Gul went long, we did not get to meet with the Foreign
Minister. So I don't have the benefit of having directly exchanged
views with him. I think the public appetite for details, which is
understandable, is ahead of the level of details that we have in our
planning. What we have is a clear agreement to work out those details.
The planning efforts and the preparatory efforts, which were in a bit
of a holding pattern within the new Turkish Government, will now move
forward and we will be able to make those kinds of concrete decisions.
The last two questions.
Q: (nearly inaudible question regarding aid) can you just lighten up
that issue? There are some amounts like 20 billion dollars worth of
either investment or cash aid that can be given to Turkey. These of
course are in all the headlines. Can you confirm these numbers on
background?
WOLFOWITZ: No I can't confirm any numbers. Because first of all I
couldn't, but secondly I think what we understand -- I now understand
-- after yesterday that I did not understand so much before is that if
we do things in the right way, if we can find a way to construct the
right kind of safety net beforehand, we can actually bring those
potential losses way down. It's much better to take preventive steps
than to have to deal with problems afterwards. Also, I want to repeat
- if I didn't say it yet to this group -- that it's important not only
to think about the immediate short-term economic impact, which will be
a negative one if there is military action, but also to think about
the medium-term and long-term impact of a free and prosperous Iraq
that is no longer under economic sanctions, that is trading freely
with its neighbors, including particularly its immediate democratic
neighbor here in Turkey. The upside for the Turkish economy, I think,
is enormous. And the more -- if it comes to the use of force -- the
more quickly we can resolve the issue the better it is from the
economic point of view. So there is definitely a relationship between
the level of Turkish participation in a military action, if it comes
to it, and our ability to get past that quickly and minimize economic
consequences.
This has to be the last one.
Q: What's the schedule in your mind for the next coming days? When do
you think the first American troops can be based in Turkey? And did
you request some sort of... Is there a deadline for the Turkish
Government in mind? And another different question as it is the last
one: What is the American Government's thoughts about Mr. Erdogan
being in his past an Islamic leader and now he is the leading figure
in the country? You said that President Bush has invited him. Does he
have any special thoughts about him being an important figure for the
Islamic region?
WOLFOWITZ: We aren't yet at the point of talking about stationing
specific American forces in Turkey. And I think that is a significant
political step for the Turkish Government, and probably one that
engages the Parliament. That is something that's not for us [to]
decide, but for Turkey to decide. We would like to get to that point
of decision sooner rather than later, because the more quickly we can
actually be doing concrete things on the ground, I think, the stronger
signal we will be sending to Saddam Hussein and the Iraqi regime that
they really have to change their ways. But I think it's already very
clear that in whatever form it comes we will be confronting -- if it
comes to it, if it comes to the use of force -- Saddam will be facing
a military coalition from all directions, including here. But the
exact time lines -- we'd like to make them [as] short as possible, but
obviously that depends in the first instance on how long it takes to
work out the military planning details, and then in the second
instance it's a question of the Turkish Government, Turkish politics.
And that's obviously something the Turks have to decide.
On the broader question you raised, it's obviously up to Turks to
choose their own government. They spoke very clearly in this last
election. I've believed for a long time, and even more strongly since
September 11, that Turkey, as a modern secular democracy and as a
Muslim majority country, it represents a very important alternative to
the Muslim world from the very backward-looking, constrained view that
the terrorists and their spiritual colleagues would like to impose on
the world's Muslims. And for that reason, I believe Turkey's success
is very important to the world and the United States in its larger
battle for the hearts and minds of people in the Muslim world. I find
it very encouraging that this new government, and the head of this
party, who you say, I guess, has Islamist roots, but in fact
specifically rejects the Islamic label, has made such an effort in its
first days in office to try to persuade the European Union that Turkey
wants to be and should be a member of the European Union. And they
clearly do so recognizing that that means more moves in the direction
of the free democratic institutions that sometimes are mistakenly
called western institutions, but in fact are universal aspirations.
I think Turkey is at a kind of strategic crossroads not only
geographically, but in a kind of spiritual sense as well. So Turkey's
success is based on those principles, and incredibly important to the
whole world. And I'm very encouraged by the first couple weeks of this
new government.
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)



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