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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

19 November 2002

Transcript: Bush Talks with Europe Journalists about NATO, Russia, Iraq

(Nov. 18 in Washington: Defends Putin handling of siege, warns Iraq)
(5410)
In a wide-ranging interview with European journalists in Washington on
the eve of his departure for Europe to attend the NATO Summit,
President Bush defended Russian President Vladimir Putin's handling of
the siege at a Moscow theater and expressed confidence that Putin will
find the right balance in Chechnya between dealing with terrorism and
protecting the rights of minorities.
He began the November 18 interview by saying that the new NATO member
countries -- to be named during the Summit in Prague -- will be "a
very important part of invigorating the Alliance."
It is important to have members "that are willing to shoulder their
share of the burden of keeping the peace" and face emerging new
threats, Bush said, "and this spirit of understanding what
totalitarianism can mean and understanding the responsibilities . that
come with being a free nation is very important at this summit."
Bush said he is going to Russia after the NATO Summit "to make it
clear to the Russians and to Vladimir Putin they have nothing to fear
from NATO expansion."
During the siege at the Moscow theater, Putin was "confronted with a
very difficult situation," Bush said, adding that 800 hostages were
going to lose their lives. The hostage-takers "were killers, just like
the killers that came to America," he said in a reference to the
terrorists who attacked the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.
He called Putin a "good friend in the fight against terrorism."
Turning to Chechnya, Bush expressed the hope that the conflict can be
"solved peacefully," but added: "to the extent that there are al Qaeda
members infiltrating Russia, they need to be dealt with - they need to
be brought to justice."
On Iraq, Bush said that "the concept of how precious freedom is for
people. has a lot to do, frankly, with my thinking about Iraq."
"The fact that people are tortured and subjugated, aren't free to
realize their potential, really bothers me," he continued. "I think we
have an obligation to work to free people. There's all kinds of ways
to do it, but we have that obligation," Bush said, adding that all who
live in free countries have an obligation to promote freedom.
As for the Baltic countries, he said, "there's no doubt you'll
recognize that obligation because you're freshly free from
subjugation."
The President expressed appreciation for Russia's working together
with the United States on the recently passed U.N. Security Council
resolution on Iraq. The Council sent a "clear signal" that it expects
Iraq to disarm, Bush said. By passing the resolution, the U.N.
Security Council has also sent the message that it "will be a relevant
body."
Bush emphasized he will tell Putin that "the issue is not inspectors.
The issue is disarmament." If Saddam Hussein doesn't disarm, "then we,
of course, will consult, like we said we would do," Bush said. "But
the interesting thing about the U.N. Security Council resolution is
all countries are free to act."
The President went on to express hope that the issue can be resolved
peacefully, but "it's up to Mr. Saddam Hussein."
If Iraq does not disarm, "people will know that our intent is to lead
a coalition of like-minded, freedom-loving countries, a coalition of
the willing to disarm Saddam Hussein. And one way or the other, he's
going to be disarmed," Bush warned.
Regarding the NATO Summit in Prague, Bush said he will not disclose
which candidates the United States supports until Thursday, November
21.
He said NATO's military strategies need to be changed to reflect the
fact that Russia is now "a friend, not an enemy." The new threat is
"in the form of international and global terrorism, which we must be
able to deal with."
Calling the alliance "crucial" and "strong" and reaffirming his belief
in expansion and a Europe whole, free and at peace, Bush promised: "No
more Munichs, no more Yaltas."
Following is a transcript of the roundtable:
(begin transcript)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
November 18, 2002
INTERVIEW OF THE PRESIDENT IN EUROPEAN PRINT ROUNDTABLE
The Roosevelt Room
10:45 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: So here's what we're going to do. I'll say a few
comments and we'll kind of do the loop until we run out of time.
First, I'm really looking forward to this trip. I think it's going to
be historic. You'll ask me who I'm voting for, for expansion; I'm not
going to tell you. You'll find out on Thursday. I say that because
that's what we've all agreed to.
But if you're interested in knowing my philosophy toward the Prague
summit, then you need only look as far as the speech I gave in Warsaw,
Poland, that talked about a Europe whole, free and at peace. I believe
NATO expansion -- and in that speech, you'd see that I talked about
NATO expansion as good for America, because a Europe whole, free and
at peace is good for America.
I am -- believe in the spirit of the countries that we're talking
about. I believe in their spirit. These are countries that have lived
under totalitarianism and they understand the value of freedom. And
they love freedom, and I love that spirit. I think that's going to be
a very important part of invigorating the alliance.
The alliance is a crucial alliance. It's a strong alliance. We're
going into a new period. And the idea of having members that are
willing to shoulder their share of the burden of keeping the peace
with the new threats is good, but -- and this spirit of understanding
what totalitarianism can mean and understanding the responsibilities
of being free nations -- that come with being a free nation is very
important at this summit.
So I'm really looking forward to it. It's -- I'm excited to go to
countries that have invited me to come. I look forward to the events.
And so, with that, I'll answer some questions. Why don't we start
here. You are from?
Q:  Yes, sir.  I am from Romania.
THE PRESIDENT:  That's good.
Q: Sir, the Romanian people waited for the Americans after the World
War II. We've waited for you almost 60 years. You know, the farmers
were raising the corn in such a way that the American planes could
land. That happened in '45 and the '50s. Now, for my parents, it might
be a little bit late, but for my 11 years daughter, it might have a
chance. You're coming to Bucharest next Saturday. This time, are the
Americans really coming to Romania?
THE PRESIDENT: Great question. No more Munichs, no more Yaltas.
America -- I come to your country because I believe that Romania is an
important part of a Europe which is whole and free and at peace. The
story of Romania is a powerful story, of people taking charge of their
own lives, of -- we had a click here, in case anybody is interested.
This one right here. Poor planning? (Laughter.) Nobody claims it?
Shouldn't have said poor planning. This is nobody's?
Q:  Might be mine.
THE PRESIDENT:  It's yours?
Q:  Yes, if it's out, it's out.  That's okay.  (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: You don't want -- if you've got to, turn it over.
Getting quite articulate there. (Laughter.)
A lot of us watched the story of your country ridding yourselves of a
totalitarian dictator, and it was a powerful story. But the story
didn't end there; the story ended with a desire for freedom and
democracy and open markets.
And the answer to your question is, absolutely. That's what the whole
Prague summit is about: All for one and one for all. We remember here
in our country when, after the attacks of September the 11th, NATO
stood up and said an attack on the United States is an attack on us. I
will say the same thing about Romania and Lithuania and the Czech
Republic, and anybody else that might be a member of NATO. And that's
what I feel.
I appreciate that question. That's -- your question is one of the
reasons I look so forward to going to Romania --
Q:  Thank you, sir.
THE PRESIDENT: -- to be able to provide that assurance in what is
going to be a, as I understand it, magnificent event where, on the one
hand, I will be able to point to statues of heroic liberators, people
who believed in freedom, that freedom was ingrained in their soul;
and, on the other hand, point to a balcony where the dictator had his
-- he realized reality. It's -- as a matter of fact, I was looking at
my speech last night.
Q: I'm from Lithuania and Lithuania was recognized 11 years ago -- by
your father, President Bush --
THE PRESIDENT:  "Forty-One," we call him.
Q: -- who took an active role in managing the collapse of the Soviet
Union. How do you recall these times?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. Well, first, I want -- I remember that, in terms
of the Baltic states, that our country always viewed the Baltics as
independent. During the Soviet era, we viewed the Baltics as
independent. Secondly, I recall the times leading up to the collapse
of the Soviet leadership, not only with my Dad's actions as President,
but those of Ronald Reagan as well, where there was clarity of
thought, that there was no equivocation when it came to issues such as
freedom.
And I keep saying that word because it is an issue that we face
collectively today in other parts of the world. Freedom is essentially
a human condition. It's not an American gift; it is God's gift to the
world. I believe that. I believe that everybody -- the Almighty
recognizes, through His mercy and grace that people are -- the freedom
of each individual. Everybody counts, everybody is precious.
It was exciting times for Americans to watch the change in the Soviet
Union, because it meant that the days of significant animosity could
be ending. A lot of us grew up when the two big countries were fierce
enemies, and the rest of the world watched to see whether or not there
would be war, and watched many times in horror as to whether or not
there would be war, because the consequences of war between the Soviet
Union and America would have been devastating for a lot of people. It
looked like that, to us, that the collapse of the Soviet Union would
provide an opportunity for peace. That's the most significant --
that's the most exciting thing for me, that the relationship would be
changed.
I'm honored to be in a position to help further the change of the
relationship. I'll answer the Russian journalist's question in a
minute -- I'm not going to anticipate it -- but I am going, after
Prague, immediately to Russia for a reason.
And anyway, it was exciting times for us. But the exciting -- the true
excitement is going to come when the people of the Baltics realize the
world has changed dramatically, and it finally has changed
dramatically in many ways -- that Russia is not an enemy, that the
United States is not an enemy of Russia, that the United States is
still a friend of the Baltics. But, most importantly, the Baltic
people have got an opportunity now to realize their full potential.
And that was what was 11 years ago we first saw, and it's an honor to
be a continuing part of that history.
Yes, sir.
Q: Mr. President, I would like to ask you a question regarding
Chechnya.
THE PRESIDENT:  Sure.
Q: I guess, it will be one of the topics you will discuss with Mr.
Putin --
THE PRESIDENT:  Absolutely.
Q: Do you believe that after the latest events -- mainly, after
hostage in Moscow and after the statements made by Osama bin Laden
raising the terrorist acts in Bali and Moscow, do you believe, Mr.
President, that you can understand better this red -- terrorists pose
to Russia? And would you agree -- would you agree with President Putin
who says that the Chechen kind of terrorism vis-a-vis Russia is of the
same nature as the al Qaeda terrorism to the United States?
THE PRESIDENT: Right. You didn't ask the question I thought you were
going to ask. I'm going to Russia to make it clear to the Russians and
to Vladimir Putin they have nothing to fear from NATO expansion, that
a Baltic -- the Baltics in NATO are positive for Russia.
Now, my answer to your question -- I thought you were going to ask why
I'm going to St. Petersburg. Anyway -- (Laughter.) And I'm going -- I
didn't hesitate when Vladimir and I talked about my trip to St.
Petersburg, that it was very important for me to go there. And it was
important for me say -- explain why I think it's a positive
development.
Terrorism -- first of all, I've got a good friend in the fight against
terrorism in Vladimir Putin. He understands the stakes. And so do I.
He understands that as you embrace freedom and embrace change and --
that there will be people who resent that and want to impose their
will.
Secondly, I thought that at the theater that he was confronted with a
very difficult situation. Eight hundred people were -- were going to
lose their lives. Clearly, these people were killers, just like the
killers that came to America. There's a common -- a common thread,
that any time anybody is willing to take innocent life for a so-called
cause, they must be dealt with. And he made some very tough decisions.
And people tried to blame Vladimir; they ought to blame the
terrorists. They're the ones who caused the situation, not President
Putin.
Thirdly, I believe Chechnya can -- I hope that Chechnya can be solved
peacefully, that there's ways to discuss the political dialogue in
such a way that this issue can be solved peacefully. Thirdly, to the
extent that there are al Qaeda members infiltrating Russia, they need
to be dealt with -- they need to be brought to justice. And I -- you
know, when Osama praising these -- the Muslim attacks in Chechnya,
it's clear that there is an al Qaeda interest.
That's why we're working so hard in Georgia with the Georgians to,
one, encourage a dialogue between Shevardnadze and President Putin;
and two, develop a joint strategy to deal with the al Qaeda members
which may be in the Pankisi Gorge. And so -- but I will continue to
talk to Vladimir about the need to protect and recognize the rights of
minorities within any country, and at the same time deal with
terrorism. And I hope he can find that balance. I think he can.
Q: Mr. President, how do you assess the performance of the Czech
Republic in NATO in preparation for this summit?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, well, first of all, they've been valuable members
of NATO. I was able to express that to your President in his recent
visit -- who, by the way, is an outstanding human being and is highly
respected and highly regarded in all of America. NATO has been -- I
mean, the Czech Republic has been a -- was unhesitating in its support
of Article 5 in NATO, for which I am grateful. Every conversation I've
had with the President, he has been nothing more than anxious for the
Czech Republic to perform its role within NATO.
The interesting thing -- let me give you kind of a broader statement
about what you'll see at the Prague summit -- is that everybody has
got something to contribute in the military capacities of NATO to deal
with the new threats. And the Czech Republic, certainly, is such a
country. There's going to be -- I guess, the best word will be
specialization -- there needs to be a specialization as we develop the
military capacity to deal with the true threat.
Russia is not a threat, and, therefore, the military strategies of
NATO need to be changed to recognize that new reality. Russia is --
Russia is a friend, not an enemy. NATO was formed because of the
Warsaw Pact. The Warsaw Pact doesn't exist and, therefore, now -- but
there is a threat to all of us. And that is the threat in the form of
international and global terrorism, which we must be able to deal
with. The Czech Republic understands that. They're willing to help
specialize. And it's up to the Czech Republic to determine that --
along with [NATO Secretary General] Lord Robertson and his strategy --
to determine how best to meet with the threats we face.
Obviously, we've had good relations with the intelligence service of
the Czech Republic, which is one of the key ingredients in order to
fight terror. If you know somebody is thinking about doing something
to us, or we know somebody is thinking about doing something to you,
we share intelligence. We've got good intelligence-sharing with
Russia, by the way, now, because of the joint threat of global terror.
It's a key ingredient in order to make sure we're able to find the new
enemy. The enemy doesn't travel in army formations. They're killers.
They take theaters; they crash airplanes into buildings; they bomb
resorts. And we must know as much about their whereabouts and their
plans as possible, in order to find them and bring them to justice.
And therefore, there needs to be a different attitude about the
threats we face.
In terms of the Prague summit, I am mindful of what happens when the
U.S. President shows up at times. I mean, it is -- you know, there is
going to be a lot of noise and clamor. But I'm actually confident that
the Czech Republic will do a fine job. It is a big deal that this city
of Prague hosts this, and nations from all over Europe coming and --
plus the Canadians and ourselves. I'm sure there's going to be people
who are willing to express their voices, that maybe perhaps think NATO
-- something about NATO is not the way they like it, or whatever it
may be. We believe in free speech. Hopefully, they'll have an
opportunity to speak freely in a way that's not -- that doesn't
promote violence.
But the thing that impresses me most about the Czech Republic and its
government is, in spite of the terrible flood, devastating floods,
that this government and these people are anxious to host this meeting
and will be able to do so in a great way. And it shows the great
character of the people, to rise above the devastation to be able to
host this summit. So I'm really looking forward to it. I can't wait to
get there -- and will be there soon.
Q: Mr. President, what symbol would you associate to Romania on the
new NATO map? I mean, where is the place of Romania in this new NATO
map?
THE PRESIDENT: How do you mean, what's the place? What do you mean --
well, first of all, you're getting me caught -- if these countries get
in -- (laughter.) But the fact that I'm going to your country I guess
says something. (Laughter.)
Q:  We hope so.
THE PRESIDENT: Right now I'm off the record. Anyway -- (Laughter.)
First of all, the map is more than just countries on a piece of paper;
the map is an attitude. It's an attitude that says that we want to
work toward open markets and open societies and transparency and fight
corruption. We want to participate in the global war against terror in
a way that we're capable of doing so.
Physically, of course, Romania will be the leading edge of Europe
extending its reach into Eastern Europe. And it's a significant reach.
It is -- today, it's interesting, the Vice President and I were being
briefed on an issue, and we looked at the map and the Vice President
said, I have trouble adjusting to the actual map of NATO. In other
words, the point was that, NATO now -- NATO's reach is far east. And
Romania represents that eastern reach. So physically it's a
significant statement of the power of an alliance and the willingness
of a people to adopt the habits necessary to have a free society.
It's -- I think that's probably the most significant thing about the
NATO map. It's an attitude, it's the soul of NATO, like I described
earlier. But it's the presence of Romania -- really recognizes the
change. And it's a significant change, it's an historic -- this will
be an historic day, our meeting on one day -- Thursday, I think is the
day -- in which the decision will be actually announced.
Q: Although -- Mr. President, although, yes -- recognize the
annexation and occupation of Lithuanian, to most Americans our country
was unknown territory for a long time. And can you recall when did you
first and what hear about Lithuania? And what did you think of
Lithuania at that time? And what do you think now?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, there's a lot of Lithuanian Americans who kept
the hope alive of a free and independent Lithuania in America -- not
so much in my home state of Texas, mainly in the Midwest. And I think
a lot of people took pity on the people of Lithuania, given the
circumstances. And the government took its position. But there was a
patience by our leadership that eventually freedom would prevail.
Lithuania is kind of a -- it's got kind of a -- all the Baltics, for
that matter, have got an interesting kind of romance because it's a
small country, it's totally overwhelmed, divided up, it's kind of
handed out as pieces of a -- pieces of a settlement that saddened a
lot of Americans. But nobody ever gave up hope, I think. Most
Americans never gave up hope that the Baltics would some day be able
to realize their vast potential.
I'm going to tell you an interesting story -- this is from another
Baltic country. It's from the Prime Minister of Estonia, came to see
me. I'm very hesitant to put words into another leader's mouth -- they
tend to do it to me, and I don't like it, so I would paraphrase,
loosely paraphrase. He was there at the time when -- and one of the
things I do is welcome a lot of leaders to America, it's an
interesting experience. I have done so with the Lithuanian leadership,
as well.
And I said -- this is the day where I told our Congress we were going
to encourage a national debate and dialogue on Iraq. And I started to
give him my rationale as to why I was thinking about Iraq. He said,
you don't need to talk to me -- this is paraphrasing now -- about
Iraq. He said, our country has watched democracies go soft in the face
of totalitarianism and we lived in slavery for 50 years.
Now, that's a paraphrase for the American press. But the point I want
to make to you is that he was clear about obligations we have. That's
what I think about the Baltics. The spirit -- and Romania, for that
matter, and the Czech Republic as embodied in the works and thoughts
of Vaclav Havel. That's what I think about your country. You know, I
firmly believe that -- again, I keep repeating myself, but it's on my
mind because this is exactly what we're dealing with at the NATO
expansion. And this is the concept of how precious freedom is for
people. It is a -- and it has a lot to do, frankly, with my thinking
about Iraq, too.
The fact that people are tortured and subjugated, aren't free to
realize their potential, really bothers me. I think we have an
obligation to work to free people. There's all kinds of ways to do it,
but we have that obligation. It doesn't happen as quickly sometimes as
we would like. But that's an obligation of all of us who have got --
who live in free countries. You have that obligation. But there's no
doubt you'll recognize that obligation because you're freshly free
from subjugation. And that's what I was talking about, about the
invigoration of the soul of NATO. That's what I think about when I
think about the Baltics.
Q:  Mr. President, you mentioned Iraq.
THE PRESIDENT:  Yes.
Q: Do you think -- do you believe that Russian support of the U.N.
resolution on Iraq has promoted any kind of reconciliation between the
position of Russia and America on this matter? And what would you like
to tell to President Putin in regard to --
THE PRESIDENT: Oh, yes. Well, first, I appreciate them working
together with us on the resolution. The U.N. Security Council sent a
clear signal to Iraq and the world, we expect them to disarm, is what
the signal said. And, actually, the U.N. Security Council sent a
signal about themselves, that they want to be relevant.
You see, if you send out 16 resolutions and all 16 resolutions were
ignored, at some point in time, somebody has got to tell the truth and
say, you're not relevant. Why pass a resolution, unless you really
mean it? And so we got together and we said, fine, let's pass this
significant resolution. And the Russians were helpful and voted for
it. And now the word is out, that the U.N. Security Council will be a
relevant body. In other words, we intend to enforce the serious
consequences if there's not disarmament; and that we're able to work
with our friends. I thought that was a very positive thing.
And I will tell this to Vladimir Putin. It's probably better for me to
tell him, but not through your newspapers, but I'll try anyway. The
issue is not inspectors. The issue is disarmament. That's the issue.
And the question is, will Saddam Hussein disarm? That's what the U.N.
Security Council has said, once again -- with Russian support, along
with other -- a lot of other countries. And so he must show us whether
or not he'll disarm, for the sake of peace.
And if he doesn't then we, of course, will consult, like we said we
would do -- we'd hold a meeting. But the interesting thing about the
U.N. Security Council resolution is all countries are free to act. And
that was explained to Vladimir what my sentiments -- I'm very strong
about. This is not a -- this isn't a free pass for Saddam, now that
the resolution has been passed. Quite the contrary. We expect him to
disarm. And we expect him to do everything he can to disarm. And we
expect him to be cooperating in his disarmament for the sake of peace.
And that's what the U.N. Security Council said to me, that people now
have finally come to the conclusion that it's time now to deal with
the issue. Hopefully, this can get done peacefully. But it's up to Mr.
Saddam Hussein, and we'll see. It's time for him to declare if he's
got any weapons. And we'll proceed from there.
Q: Mr. President, will you ask the allies in Prague to contribute to
military action if such action becomes necessary?
THE PRESIDENT: I will -- first of all, I believe that the NATO
Alliance understands the issue. The countries there would like to see
a disarmed Saddam Hussein. They -- a peaceful country, they believe in
peace, just like I believe in peace. And a Saddam Hussein with weapons
of mass destruction is -- particularly since he's used them in the
past and he clearly can't stand America and many of our friends, would
mean it would be likely for us not to have peace.
Imagine a Saddam Hussein with a nuclear weapon. It's certainly not an
ingredients for peace; quite the contrary. And so the NATO countries
understand that. And if, in fact, military action is needed, we'll
consult with them and everybody will be able to make a decision that
they're comfortable with. But I wouldn't preclude a peaceful
settlement. I hope it happens peacefully. But if it doesn't just --
people will know that our intent is to lead a coalition of
like-minded, freedom-loving countries, a coalition of the willing to
disarm Saddam Hussein. And one way or the other, he's going to be
disarmed. And it's in everybody's interest that that be the case.
So we'll talk about that. All right? Thank you for your time. Now, are
you going on these trips? You're going to go to the NATO summit?
That's going to be exciting. How many journalists will be there?
Q: -- 2,700 -- that was the last figure I note from Prague before I
came here.
THE PRESIDENT:  2,700.
Q:  Including TV crews.
THE PRESIDENT: Wow. Well, I can't wait for my press conference. I'm
going to have about a two-hour press conference there in front of
2,700 -- (laughter.)
Q:  Two days.
THE PRESIDENT:  Two days.  (Laughter.)  Just kidding, Steve.
MR. HOLLAND:  Can't wait for that.
THE PRESIDENT:  You're going?
MR. HOLLAND:  Yes, sir.
THE PRESIDENT: It's going to be exciting. It's going to be a very
exciting time. And so you have just come from Prague?
Q:  Yes.
THE PRESIDENT: So you tell me what the feeling is like there in the
city.
Q: Well, the city is almost evacuated, in expecting the summit,
because --
THE PRESIDENT:  The city is evacuated?
Q: No, I'm joking, but the area around the conference center is almost
evacuated. And the kids, they have holiday, and the shops are going to
be closed, and the center of the city, Wenceslas Square where the
demonstrations usually take place, is under police surveillance. So
Prague is getting ready, so everyone is expecting how to get to work
in -- they are making arrangements.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. And how many people are coming, just total? Do
they have an estimate? From outside the Czech Republic.
Q:  More than 2,000 people -- I mean, delegations and --
THE PRESIDENT:  Oh, it's got to be way more than that.
Q:  -- with the staff and everything.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, the press is 2,700 alone. I bet there's -- our
mighty delegation -- (laughter.)
Q: But only two hotels were affected by the floods. Only two of the
number of the hotels that are ready for -- to accommodate the
delegations and --
THE PRESIDENT:  They're ready?
Q: -- only two hotels were badly affected by the floods. Otherwise --
THE PRESIDENT:  How is the recovery from the floods?
Q: It was bad, it was tough, and now it's getting better. There are
some neighborhoods in Prague where people cannot return to their homes
because of the --
THE PRESIDENT:  Still?
Q: -- and it's not only Prague, it's the whole country, going into
Germany.
THE PRESIDENT:  So sad.
Q: So it's very bad. No chronicle -- no person ever remembers such a
disaster.
THE PRESIDENT:  It's a 500-year flood.
Q:  1,000.
THE PRESIDENT:  1,000-year flood.  Wow, that's too bad.
Q: But as we say, Charles did it -- from the 14th century. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I'm glad the country is recovering. We're really
looking forward to it, and looking forward to our trips, too. They're
going to be magnificent.
Q:  We expect more people than for the Pope in 1999.
THE PRESIDENT: Really? It's going to be exciting. I'm looking forward
to it. I better make sure my speech is -- I think they'll like it.
All right. We'll see you there. Thanks. Thanks for coming. I'm looking
forward to going to St. Petersburg again.
Q:  Yes, sure.  Thank you very much.
THE PRESIDENT:  The second time in one year.  Maybe a third time.
Q:  Did you like it?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes -- it was spectacular. Remember, we went out on the
boat, Vladimir, myself -- Sergei Ivanov, floated a -- White Nights.
Fantastic. It won't be White Nights this time, though. Will be white
days, right, snowing?
Q:  Yes, snowing.  (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT:  We'll see you all there.  Thank you.
11:20 A.M. EST 
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)



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