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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

01 October 2002

White House Briefing Transcript

(Lugar-Biden proposal/"whereas" clauses, U.N. resolution/two
resolutions, cost of war/one-way ticket, Torricelli/race in New
Jersey, campaign/economy or war issue, State Department
reauthorization bill/Jerusalem, homeland security, McDermott visit to
Iraq, AIDS/administration's agenda, marketable debt) (7570)
White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer briefed reporters October 1.
Following is the transcript:
(begin transcript)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
October 1, 2002
PRESS BRIEFING BY ARI FLEISCHER
INDEX
Lugar-Biden proposal/"whereas" clauses
U.N. resolution/two resolutions
Cost of war/one-way ticket
Torricelli/race in New Jersey
Campaign/economy or war issue
State Department reauthorization bill/Jerusalem
Homeland security
McDermott visit to Iraq
AIDS/administration's agenda
Marketable debt
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
October 1, 2002
PRESS BRIEFING BY ARI FLEISCHER
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
12:28 P.M. EDT
MR. FLEISCHER: Good morning. I have no opening statement to begin, so
we can start right away with questions.
John.
Q: Can you tell us how the Biden-Lugar resolution is weaker than the
resolution that was passed in 1998, specifically? MR. FLEISCHER: The
President appreciates Senator Lugar and Senator Biden's efforts in
this regard. The President appreciates all members of Congress for
their thoughts and their suggestions. Specifically, on your question,
the President believes that the Biden-Lugar draft ties his hands
because it pulls back from many of the provisions that Congress itself
cited in 1998, such as requiring or asking or demanding of Iraq to
cease their support for terror, to stop repression of his own people,
to cease threatening his neighbors. Those are three of the specifics
that have been in previous contained bipartisan drafts of what the
Congress passed, and also what the United Nations has spoken to and
supported. That would not be found in the too narrow Biden-Lugar
proposal.
Q: But the Biden-Lugar proposal does allude to Iraq being on the list
of known state sponsors of terrorism, and the 1998 resolution didn't
authorize the use of force to address any of what you just talked
about. So how could it be that this resolution is weaker?
MR. FLEISCHER: Because it omits those key provisions that I just cited
that the President thinks --
Q: But it provides for the use of force, which the 1998 resolution
didn't.
MR. FLEISCHER: Sure. And on that point, the President is grateful, for
the fact that still the fundamental issue that Congress is focused on
is the authorization of force. And as Congress debates the various
"whereas" clauses, we're going to continue to listen to the Congress
and work with the Congress. Dr. Rice met earlier today with Senator
Lugar. And so we're going to continue the process. It's been a healthy
one.
Q: Is this resolution gaining any traction on Capitol Hill, Ari?
MR. FLEISCHER: Oh, I don't think I'm in a position to handicap  -- 
Q: Is it unacceptable?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President earlier today said it ties his hands, and
that it's too narrow, too narrowly focused. And so we'll continue to
work with Congress. I think what you're seeing in Congress, frankly,
has been a real strong, bipartisan effort to support what the
President has asked for. And the President has shown a real
willingness to work with Congress. This has been a healthy process so
far. I think it's winding down, coming to a conclusion. And the
President tomorrow morning will meet with the four leaders of the
Congress, a bipartisan meeting, House and Senate leaders. And I think
that the Congress itself wants to be able to soon resolve this and
speak with one voice.
Q: Senator Lugar was up here this morning. Can you tell us who he was
meeting with and what the White House message was?
MR. FLEISCHER: I just did. He met with Dr. Condi Rice this morning
here. And the two of them talked about this and Condi shared with him
really very much what I just shared with you all. And that's why I
began it by praising Senator Lugar for his thoughts.
You know, this is a process where the "whereas" clauses are going to
receive their fair amount of contemplation and debate; properly so.
The declarative paragraph is what is the most important paragraph;
after all, that's the one that authorizes the use of force with the
bipartisan support of the United States Congress. And in this process,
you saw earlier, there were drafts that were sent up to the Hill that
referenced international peace -- and threats to international peace
and security, which was boilerplate language taken out of previous
United Nations resolutions, and we worked with Congress on that.
We'll continue to work with Congress on this and listen to helpful
suggestions. But, ultimately, I think it's becoming increasingly clear
that there is overwhelming bipartisan support for the essence of what
the President is proposing. And until the drafting is conclusive and
final and done, there's going to be continuing conversations.
Q: One of the "whereas" clauses of the Biden-Lugar proposal does not
include is a reference to the attempted assassination of the
President's father. Does the President still believe that it's
essential that the congressional resolution mention the fact that, as
he put it, Saddam Hussein is the man who tried to kill his dad?
MR. FLEISCHER: Take a look at the draft that was publicly released
after the initial discussions with the Congress about what was sent up
there, and you'll see if that was in there or not. I just don't recall
if it was or wasn't. Certainly that has been a factor that led to
previous military action by the Clinton administration against the
Iraqi regime. So it has previously led to military use of force.
Not an unserious matter to try to assassinate a former President. But
there are many reasons that the President has cited, all of which
point to Saddam Hussein's willingness to bring harm to the American
people.
Q: Is the President's message to lawmakers today and again tomorrow
morning, don't send me, or don't write a resolution that looks like
Lugar-Biden?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, you heard the President himself. The President
said that he does not want a resolution that ties his hands, that will
result in the United Nations passing anything that's a pullback from
what the United Nations has said. After all, why would the Congress
speak in a softer voice than the United Nations when the issue is how
to send an effective, clear, unmistakable message to Saddam Hussein so
he knows that this time the world means business? And that's why the
President feels strongly.
Q: Will he take it that one step further to the lawmakers and say,
don't write a resolution that looks like this, this will be
unacceptable?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, you heard what the President said. I can't go
beyond what the President said. We'll continue to work closely with
the Congress on it and we'll see where the ultimate outcome is.
Q: If, as you say, what's most important is the authorizing paragraph,
then this debate about the various "whereas" clauses, are they really
deal-breakers, or is that part of negotiation? I mean, how much -- if
you really care about authorization and you're getting what you want
there, why are the "whereas" clauses -- how important are the
"whereas" clauses?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think the entire resolution is important, and
it conveys a message. And the question is, what will Saddam Hussein do
once he hears this message? Will he say, this is watered down from
what they previously said, that I detect a backtracking from the
United States, I detect a backtracking from the United Nations? If
that's the message Saddam Hussein hears, that's problematic. And
that's why the President thinks it's important that nothing be passed
that ties his hands, that sends that clear and effective signal in the
authorization of the use of force.
Q: But if the authorization for use of force, either explicitly or in
some other way, nods to a regime change, and he gets that message, I
mean, why is that less important or less frightening or less
intimidating --
MR. FLEISCHER: Let me -- let me  -- 
Q: -- than just stop oppressing your people? I mean, if you can go in
and change the regime, you kind of solve the other problem, perhaps.
MR. FLEISCHER: Let me give you an example of something that is not in
this draft that has been in previous statements by both the Congress
and the United Nations, and that deals with United Nations Security
Council Resolution 949. And this deals with ceasing -- Iraq ceasing
any threats to its neighbors, which, after all, is what led to the war
in 1991, when Saddam Hussein attacked Kuwait in August of 1990. That's
nowhere found in this resolution by Senator Biden and Senator Lugar.
So, in the event Saddam Hussein were to again threaten a neighbor,
attack a neighbor, invade Kuwait, under this too-narrow resolution
being discussed right now, the United States would not have the
authorization to use force because Saddam Hussein invaded a neighbor.
That's why the President thinks, don't tie my hands, don't do anything
that's too narrow. And that would be the case, that cited 949, U.N.
Security Council Resolution 949, which we need to enforce. We need to
make certain that Saddam Hussein doesn't miss any signals and attack
any of his neighbors. But that's nowhere found in what Senator Lugar
is working on.
But again, the point I want to emphasize is that we're listening,
we're meeting. Condi had a good meeting with Senator Lugar this
morning. And she welcomes, and the President welcomes the input from
members of Congress. It's leading to a process that is heading toward
finality. And that process is going to be inclusive because the
President wants to have a big bipartisan vote. But at the same token,
the President does not want his hands tied in a way that would confuse
the world and weaken the resolutions that we seek to put in place.
Q: If I could -- just one more? So by having these "whereas" sections,
would that enable the White House to have the kind of flexibility
you're talking about? If there was, say, another inspections process
that got approved and somehow starts to happen, he'd have these other
triggers that could be cited as a reason for taking action.
MR. FLEISCHER: Again, the inspections is not the issue. The issue is
disarmament. Inspections doesn't negate what the United States and the
United Nations are working on.
Q: But Congress is trying to keep this focused on the weapons of mass
destruction, and that involves --
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, Jean, I think you have to carefully analyze how
many people are lining up behind the various proposals on the Hill,
when you say Congress wants to keep it focused on WMD. I think that
what the President has submitted to the Hill has very powerful, large,
bipartisan majorities right now. The question is, different people
continue to have ideas and we're going to continue to work with them
all.
Q: Yes, Ari, I have two questions for you. The first one has to do
with the U.N. Russia, China and France continue to publicly say
through high officials that they don't want military action, they want
diplomatic steps to be taken. What happens -- and I hope it's not a
hypothetical. But if the U.N. does not give the President the
resolution he and Tony Blair are asking for, does the President feel
the resolutions already existing are enough for the United States to
take unilateral military action?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, the President feels that the resolutions that
currently exist have been ignored, and if the United Nations were to
pass just a warmed-up version of the existing resolutions, then the
United Nations is going to be proven to not take Saddam Hussein
seriously, and that the United Nations is at risk of being considered
the League of Nations.
They've tried it for 10 years and it hasn't worked, and the President
believes deeply that it is time for the United Nations to speak
differently, to speak effectively, and not to repeat the mistakes that
have been made for a decade that have only seen Saddam Hussein
continue to build up his weapons. And so that's where the President's
focus is.
Now, as to where matters stand with China and France and Russia, the
dialogue is continuing. There are still conversations taking place at
various diplomatic levels, and I think you're going to see those
conversations continue for the time-being.
Q: Can I ask you a question on internal politics? President Bush is
the head of the Republican Party. He has expended a lot of time and
effort in raising funds for different candidates. A very close race in
the Senate and the House. Has the President expressed to you any
opinion over the fact that Senator Robert Torricelli announced
yesterday he will not run for reelection?
MR. FLEISCHER: No. I think the President is really focused on what he
believes is the importance of electing a good man who has a positive
agenda for New Jersey in Doug Forrester. And that's really where the
President's focus has been. President Bush believes that Doug
Forrester is a strong leader. He is somebody who is focused on
pro-growth policies for New Jersey, pro-education policies. And he has
a positive agenda.
Q: Ari, is there concern here at the White House that the meetings
taking place in Vienna between the weapons inspectors and
representatives of the Iraqi government are undermining the
President's efforts to get a single resolution out of the U.N.?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I have not heard that. I think there are some
people who have had different thoughts about whether it should be one
or two resolutions, people in other countries, with or without what's
happening with Hans Blix in the meetings in Vienna. And those
conversations will continue. But the President, again, thinks it's
very important for the United Nations to act differently and not just
repeat the mistakes that have been made for 10 years, that have
allowed Saddam Hussein to think that he can act with impunity as he
builds up his arms. And so the United States position remains that the
best resolution -- and what we are seeking -- is one resolution.
Q: Apparently, there's some support building for the two resolution
method. What exactly is the White House's position on two resolutions?
If it comes down to that, can you live --
MR. FLEISCHER: I just gave it to you.
Q: But is there a middle ground that  -- 
MR. FLEISCHER: I just gave you our position, Ken.
Q: Isn't it true the State Department is crafting behind the scenes a
compromise that would have a two-stage resolution with a trigger --
the second resolution with military force would kick in if Iraq
doesn't comply with the first one?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President has said clearly that he wants to see a
one-resolution solution. He does not think that we need to send any
signs of weakness to Saddam Hussein; that Saddam Hussein will exploit
any opportunity he sees that gives him a signal that the world is not
united, that the world is not speaking as one, and that the world is
willing to give Saddam Hussein more time. Because more time for Saddam
Hussein means more development of more weapons.
Q: So just to follow, you're saying that this administration is
absolutely, 100 percent, ruling out any support of any two-stage
resolution such as the French --
MR. FLEISCHER: I can only say to you as plain as I have, this is what
the President believes.
Q: If I could do one more on a separate thing. Just going back to the
subject of the congressional resolution, the President and you all
have talked about the focus is disarming Saddam Hussein, disarming
Iraq. Why then shouldn't the President solely have military force used
for that focus, to disarm Saddam Hussein?
MR. FLEISCHER: If you're saying, why should the United States retreat
from the previous positions taken by the United Nations and the United
States Congress, it's because retreating in the face of Saddam
Hussein's threat is not an option.
Q: But it's unfair to really compare it, because the previous
resolutions didn't authorize the use of force. You're talking about
authorizing the use of military force. And my question is, if --
MR. FLEISCHER: You know, that supposes that the people who passed
regime change didn't mean it, or they thought that Saddam Hussein
would term-limit himself. And when they passed regime change in 1998,
you have to assume that they meant it. And they cited all those
reasons in there about the Iraqi violations of the oil-for-food
program, which by the way, he uses to build up his arms. So therefore,
it's important to mention it, not to leave it unsaid. That's how he's
getting his money for arms. They cited his support for terror, his
repression of people, his hostility toward his neighbors. All of these
were cited in 1998 by the Congress as why regime change is necessary.
Q: But they didn't authorize the use of force to bring about regime
change.
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, that's why I said, unless they didn't mean what
they voted for in 1998 -- and I don't think Congress indicated that --
or unless they thought Saddam Hussein was into term limits, they
remain important criteria today.
Q: Ari, the CBO has new estimates that the war in Iraq would cost
between $9 billion and $13 billion. Does the White House think that's
too low?
MR. FLEISCHER: Again, the President has not made any decisions about
military action or what military option he might pursue. And so I
think it's impossible to speculate. I can only say that the cost of a
one-way ticket is substantially less than that. The cost of one
bullet, if the Iraqi people take it on themselves, is substantially
less than that. The cost of war is more than that. But there are many
options that the President hopes the world and people of Iraq will
exercise themselves of that gets rid of the threat. But it's
impossible to say what the President options are militarily from a
price tag, because he's made no decisions.
Q: Should they be making these estimates?
MR. FLEISCHER: The Congressional Budget Office is a separate branch of
the government, they work for the Congress.
Q: Ari, two questions. First, I noticed the President this morning,
when he said the goal is disarmament, did not mention regime change.
And when you go through the Lugar-Biden bill, it doesn't really dwell
on regime change as being an objective here in the way that it was in
'98.
MR. FLEISCHER: If you are asking, has the President changed his
opinion about enforcing the law, the answer is, no. Of course, the
President believes that --
Q: You didn't raise that, though, as an objection to the Lugar-Biden
amendment.
MR. FLEISCHER: I think if you take a look at the language of the
resolution that was sent up to the Hill some two weeks ago, the
modified draft that was sent up last week, it makes it perfectly plain
by citing the 1998 Iraqi Liberation Act that regime change remains our
policy. You have that, David.
Q: And the second question is, you just said before, the cost of a
one-way ticket is less than that, the cost of a single bullet is less
than that. Are you suggesting that two perfectly good alternatives, to
your mind, would be an exile of Saddam Hussein --
MR. FLEISCHER: As you know, Secretary Rumsfeld, and many others,
including the President, are not shy about saying the Iraqi people --
after all, this was called the Iraqi Liberation Act -- the Iraqi
people can help resolve this matter, as well, and the Iraqi military.
And so there are many options that the United States is prepared to
see, and the President has said the military option is not his first
choice, but the President is indeed prepared, if necessary, to use
force. And that's why he's asked Congress to authorize it.
Q: Will you help in the one-way ticket scenario? is the U.S.
government willing to provide assistance in that regard?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think that's part of regime change, isn't it, if
Saddam Hussein is gone?
Q: Ari, two questions. One, hundreds of Indian Americans gathered at
the Maryland temple, and that's where -- whose branch was the victim
in Iraq where 40 people died. In an amendment -- he called on the
administration, especially President Bush, he said that he appreciates
what President Bush is doing, fighting terrorism, but he said also
that the time has come for the world's two largest democracies should
work together and root out terrorism from its roots. Because India is
still calm and they have not taken any action and there is no violence
at all. Because the terrorists, they try to destroy first democracy
and then the religious institutions, but they failed.
MR. FLEISCHER: I'm sorry, I'm not sure what your question is.
Q: He's calling on the administration that the time has come that we
have to fight -- they are the same terrorism against India and against
the United States and against Israel.
MR. FLEISCHER: And when it comes to fighting terrorism at its roots,
India's leaders and Pakistani leaders know that they have an ally in
President Bush. This is something that this administration has spent
quite a bit of time on. And I think when you look at how the terrorism
has twice, just this year alone, almost led to the brink of war
between India and Pakistan, the administration has worked very hard to
bring the parties back from the brink -- with quite a bit of success.
But it remains a troublesome area.
Q: Second question  -- 
MR. FLEISCHER: Goyle, you had too long a first question. And I see
many, many hands up behind you. So let's keep -- go ahead.
Q: I just have a simple follow-up to Jacobo's question about New
Jersey. Is the President scheduled to go campaign there do you know at
any point right now? And would he be --
MR. FLEISCHER: The President just returned from New Jersey a week ago
Monday. And the schedule for the President throughout October will be
a little bit flexible, so that decisions can be made about the
President's time. But we'll keep announcing the schedule as the events
are final.
Q: Would he be more inclined to go to New Jersey now that the seat is
eminently winnable?
MR. FLEISCHER: Again, the President will travel as the decisions are
made about where his time can be most valuably spent. And I just
can't, from this podium today, predict to you every stop he's going to
make. But certainly, the President believes in Doug Forrester,
supports his candidacy, and wants to help him become a Senator. He
thinks it's very important to have people who will help support his
agenda.
After all, look what has not gotten done in the Senate, which somebody
like Doug Forrester could help get done. Passage of a budget, for
example -- the Senate did indeed pass a budget in 2001; it failed to
pass one in 2002. A budget is vital to fiscal discipline, to spending
restraint. And the President wants to have a Senate that will focus on
issues like this.
Job-creating terrorism insurance -- it is in the Senate and the
House's hands today to create 300,000 jobs for the economy, if they
could only come to an agreement on terrorism insurance. It is probably
the single most important act that the Congress can pass to create
jobs in America quickly. And that's why the President had the meeting
he had earlier this morning with the conferees -- which, incidentally,
the President called on them to reach agreement by Friday. I think it
was a productive meeting. We'll see if they can actually adhere to
that call.
The President certainly hopes they can, because one of the other
factors that you can tell up on Capitol Hill was the sniff of diesel
fuel is already in the air, and many of them want to go home and
campaign, which doesn't leave them a lot of time left to finish the
people's business.
Q: Ari, as the President goes out and campaigns in these final weeks
and raise money for Republican candidates, is he getting any message
from those Republicans back in the states to tailor his message more
towards the economy and less toward the war?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, you're on the trail for the President, and so I
think it's fair for you to say that there are many events at which the
President does -- the fundraisers, of course, are before Republican
groups. Many of his other events, the public events, are before
wide-open groups, people from all parties, and even people who have no
party. And the President's message is the same, and I think it's well
received. The President has been focusing very strongly, just as you
saw today, on the economy, on domestic issues.
The President hopes that Congress, in the short amount of time it has
left, won't neglect the domestic agenda. And one way to tell if
Congress is going to take action or neglect the domestic agenda is
whether or not they pass terrorism insurance and create those jobs the
President cited. So he does what a President should do, and that's
focus on both international affairs and domestic.
Q: You addressed David's question about one-way ticket. What about
one-way bullet? Is the White House advocating assassination as a
possible option for Saddam Hussein?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think that it's fair to say that the Iraqi regime is
not satisfied with Saddam Hussein, that Saddam Hussein has created a
great many enemies inside Iraq. And it is impossible to last forever
as a brutal dictator who suppresses his own people, who tortures his
own people, who deliberately brings women in public to be raped, so it
can be witnessed by their families. He has not exactly created
goodwill among the Iraqi people.
Q: If I could follow on that, would the White House like to see Saddam
Hussein dead?
MR. FLEISCHER: The policy is regime change. And that remains -- and
that remains the American position. Clearly, in the event that there
is any type of military operation, command and control would, of
course, be issues that would come up.
Q: Is the hope, though, that he ends up dead in all this?
MR. FLEISCHER: Regime change is the policy, in whatever form it takes.
Q: I just want to re-ask again then, the question I've been asking for
several weeks. Is the administration about to rescind the executive
order prohibiting assassination of foreign leaders, and claim that
he's an international terrorist, and in fact, put out a hit on him?
MR. FLEISCHER: No.  The policy remains in place, per the law.
Q: Why is there no consideration to rescinding that executive order?
MR. FLEISCHER: It's just -- because it's not come up as matter that
I've heard discussed, Connie. And so I can't tell you why something
doesn't get discussed.
Q: Could you ask?
MR. FLEISCHER: I don't really think it's an issue. The policy remains
regime change, as expressed by the Congress.
Q: Ari, the State Department authorization bill with the language on
Jerusalem has provoked quite an angry reaction in the Arab world. What
are we going to do about enforcing it? What are we going to do about
moving the embassy? How are you going to respond to that reaction?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, as the President made clear last night in the
signing statement that was issued, as he signed the Foreign Relations
Authorization Act, Section 214 of the act deals with Jerusalem, and it
does so in a way that we deem, the administration deems
unconstitutional. The opinion of the administration, and we will act
on this, is that the language passed by the Congress impermissibly
interferes with the President's constitutional authority to conduct
the nation's foreign affairs. And the President made that perfectly
plain. And so our -- the status of Jerusalem under current law will
remain unchanged.
Q: Are you going to do anything, though, to respond to these protests?
And when you say, we regard this as unconstitutional, what acts are
you talking about?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think that -- what acts?  Section 214 of the law.
Q: No, no, you said, we deem this unconstitutional and we will act on
that. Does that mean court challenge, does that mean ignoring it?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, that means recognizing that the U.S. policy
regarding Jerusalem has not changed, because we view what Congress
passes advisory, not mandatory.
Q: Can the President -- the President tomorrow is supposed to meet
with Senator Daschle. I imagine that homeland security is going to
come up as part of the issue. Has the President had any discussions
with Democratic members of Congress on homeland security, the Senate
in particular? And secondly, has the President spoken with Senator
Daschle since Senator Daschle's speech on the floor of the Congress?
MR. FLEISCHER: The President has spoken with a great many Democrats
and Republicans in the Senate. He has not, to my knowledge, spoken
with Senator Daschle. He looks forward to having Senator Daschle here
for breakfast tomorrow morning. And one of the topics that I'm certain
will come up is homeland security. And from the President's points of
view, it would just be unimaginable for the Senate to leave town
without having taken action to protect the homeland.
And I don't know that anybody knows how this is going to come out in
the Senate. Because the problem is there have been several major
things that the Senate, for whatever reasons, just has not gotten
done. It's unimaginable -- one of the most important duties of a
member of Congress is to pass a budget. The Senate did not pass a
budget. The first time in 28 years since the new budget procedures
were created that the Senate didn't get the job done.
And homeland security -- who could imagine that there is a possibility
that the Senate would not pass legislation to protect the American
people on the homefront? And time is running out, as I said. Sometimes
when time runs out, it's the best incentive for Congress to finalize
the debating and start the voting. So we'll just have to see which way
it's going. But it's going to cut very close.
Q: Democrats are putting forth the cloture motions, and they're not
getting passed.
MR. FLEISCHER: And obviously the Senate is in a tangled mess, isn't
it?
Q: What is the administration's position on what kind of access
inspectors should have to presidential palaces in Iraq?
MR. FLEISCHER: Unfettered access, unconditional access, anybody,
anywhere.
Q: And that means no prior notice, no -- not a requirement that they
be accompanied by diplomats?
MR. FLEISCHER: I can only express it as plain as that. Unfettered,
unconditional, any time, and anywhere.
Q: Current U.N. resolutions embraced -- a 1998 resolution embraced an
agreement between Secretary General Kofi Annan and Saddam Hussein that
told them they would give prior notice and they would be accompanied
by inspectors. Is that one of the reasons that you have to have a new
U.N. resolution?
MR. FLEISCHER: Absolutely. This is one of the reasons that the
existing inspection regime has not worked. Keep in mind, when the
Western ear hears "presidential palace," you tend to think of a place
in which a leader sleeps -- rather a legitimate purpose. That's not
what's going on here. These are places that Saddam Hussein doesn't
even go to. These are government facilities, government property,
where who knows what is going on, and there's a good reason Saddam
Hussein does not want people to go there and take a look at these
facilities, even if he never sleeps there.
And that's why the existing regime has been a regime that, for 10
years, Saddam Hussein has been able to play cat-and-mouse with the
world. And the President thinks the time has come now for the United
Nations to do something different, to act differently, so that we
don't repeat those same mistakes.
Q: So a new U.N. resolution, the one the U.S. favors, would clear away
all the old underbrush and say simply that inspectors have the right
to go anywhere, anytime, get at anyplace, no prior notice, no
accompaniment by diplomats?
MR. FLEISCHER: Here are the three criteria the United States is
seeking in a new resolution that would be tough and effective and
different. One, it would make plain for the world to see what Saddam
Hussein has violated. Two, it would call on Saddam Hussein to cease
his violations of those provisions. And, three, it would make clear
what will happen if Saddam Hussein fails to cease his violations.
Q: Last week, while she was debating Congressman Bob Ehrlich who, as
you know, the President is visiting this month, Maryland's Lieutenant
Governor Kathleen Kennedy Townsend charged that Ehrlich, in her words,
"opposes affirmative action based on race. Lynching was based on race.
Discrimination is based on race. Jim Crowe was based on race. And
affirmative action should be based on race." End of quote. Question:
Does the President agree with Mrs. Townsend, or does he believe it's
wrong to replace Jim Crowe with Crowe Jim -- among other reasons,
because the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., pleaded that his
children could some day be judged by the content of their character
and not the color of their skin?
MR. FLEISCHER: Les, I have not talked directly to the President about
any of the issues that you just presented from the Maryland debate, so
I really can't go beyond that.
Q: All right. Senator Torricelli said yesterday, "I've done my duty to
my country," even though Mr. Chang, who gave him those illegal gifts,
is in prison for doing so, and this year the New Jersey Democrats
still nominated Torricelli for reelection to the Senate. Question: the
President does not disagree with New Jersey Republicans going to court
to keep Torricelli's name on that ballot, nor does the President
disagree with George Will's comparison of Congressman McDermott in
Baghdad to Adolf Hitler's Lord Hawhaw, does he? (Laughter.)
MR. FLEISCHER: Les, that's three questions, not two. You need to pick
one.
Q: Well -- let's see  -- 
MR. FLEISCHER: You're taking too long.
Q: McDermott -- wait, I'll pick the one. (Laughter.) Does he agree
with -- by the way, the New York Times reported that Ron from AP --
MR. FLEISCHER: All right, I get the question.
Q: -- got four in a row.  You remember that, Ari?
MR. FLEISCHER: He deserved even more.  (Laughter.)
All right, on your McDermott question.
Q: Lord Hawhaw.
MR. FLEISCHER: I think it was rather remarkable to see a member of the
United States Congress travel to Baghdad, Iraq, to say that Saddam
Hussein needs to be believed, while the President of the United States
will mislead the American people. And I think it just shows it is
certainly the good Congressman's right to say anything he wants, no
matter how foolish. And he exercised that right.
Q: Ari, back on Saddam's travel plans and his retirement plans, what
steps has the administration taken to encourage other nations to sort
of arrange an easy out for this situation?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I think this is something that Secretary Rumsfeld
has talked about before. My point being, never underestimate the
yearning of people to stop being tortured, to stop being suppressed.
Don't overestimate the support there is for Saddam Hussein within
Iraq. Don't take this as a prediction of things to come, because I
can't possibly make predictions of things to come. But don't
overestimate Saddam Hussein's support from his own people.
Events will go where events will go. The point the President makes is
that the free world needs to be prepared to deal with somebody who has
such a history of developing weapons for the purpose of using weapons,
and in the process, he has separated himself from the country. And
that's why Congress called it the Iraqi Liberation Act.
Q: Ari, there are some AIDS prevention groups that are claiming that
the Bush administration is on a witch hunt against them. Is there any
merit to their claim that programs that are not abstinence-only
programs are receiving frosty treatment from the White House or other
agencies?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, I think no administration, in any country, anywhere
in the world has been as committed to fighting HIV/AIDS as this
administration has. Through the amount of money that we have put up to
help the global fund to fight AIDS, based on the funding increases
that the President has sought and the budget here domestically at
home, this administration has made this a priority, and is working
hard through the funding and the scientific areas to prevent AIDS and
to achieve breakthroughs in helping to stop AIDS.
At home, the President does believe that abstinence education needs to
be an important part of an overall education program. He has supported
increased funding for abstinence education. And this administration is
very proud of its record in all of these areas.
Q: Is there any risk at all of sending mixed messages of funding
programs that are abstinence only or stressing abstinence, as well as
programs that don't?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, I can just tell you the President thinks that
abstinence education is an important program that really did not get
much focus at all in the past, and that it's high time that it did.
And that's where he is focused on, as well as the other measures that
I just cited.
Q: Ari, Treasury figures have it that in the second quarter of this
year we saw the largest increase in total marketable debt -- that is
private and public debt -- and an increase in federal government
marketable debt, which was 11 times greater than the first quarter. My
question is, don't these figures indicate, on the one hand, that the
tax cut was a bit short-sighted, and more importantly that the --
MR. FLEISCHER: What would be the correlation between marketable debt
and tax cuts?
Q: Well, the fact that the federal government has to get in more money
by selling Treasury bills and the like, because of the collapse of
income from corporate, as well as from private incomes.
MR. FLEISCHER: Yes, couldn't that also be caused by excessive
spending?
Q: Well, I don't think people are spending as much as they want.
MR. FLEISCHER: The government is. My point is that anything dealing
with -- go ahead.
Q: My question was, the tax cut short-sighted -- and secondly, doesn't
the collapse of incomes in the U.S. economy, represented by the
economic collapse in the economy as a whole, represent really the
Achilles heel of all this war on terrorism, since the ability of the
federal government to finance anything is ultimately dependent on the
tax income of the people, that they are taxed. You can't run a deficit
forever, in other words. MR. FLEISCHER: If your suggestion is, the
United States should only exercise its right to defend against threats
in times of surplus and not deficit, I think that's a notion that
would not find its place in either history, at times when we
previously had to defend ourselves in times of deficit and did. And,
two, it's a suggestion that I think would send a real signal to the
world that the United States won't defend itself, and we will.
Now, on the question about marketable debt, the factors that
contributed most to the decline in revenues had nothing to do with the
tax cut. They deal mostly with the recession which, as you know, began
in early 2001. The market's decline began in March of 2000, and it was
the market decline that principally led to the decline in individual
income tax receipts and capital gains receipts.
The other factor, of course, affecting balance sheets is spending. And
I've just -- you left spending out of your equation.
Q: A follow-up on Ellen's question concerning the cloture vote. It was
reported in the Wall Street Journal this morning that Senator Daschle
is expected to try again for another cloture vote today. And if
Republican lawmakers once again fail to support end of the debate,
then he is expected to shelve the homeland security bill until after
the election and take it up again in lame duck session. If that is
what is about to happen, what is the White House view of this?
MR. FLEISCHER: Well, one, I think that the efforts of some of the most
bipartisan members of the Senate to reach an agreement are underway.
And I know that Senator Gramm and Senator Breaux are working very hard
to try to address any of the differences that remain. And so this
again is why I cited the fact that often in the past, as Congress
approaches these deadlines, that it can either serve as a spur to get
action done and final, or nothing gets done. And we'll see what the
ultimate outcome here is on this one. I don't know that anybody can
give you an accurate prediction, Paula.
Q: What is your view, though, in terms of taking it up in lame duck
session, rather than now?
MR. FLEISCHER: One, I don't know that you can automatically assume
there's going to be a lame duck session. The history of lame ducks is
they don't really get anything done. They sound good in October, but
they really feel bad in November. So I don't know that there is going
to be a lame duck. Maybe there will, maybe there won't.
The other factors that complicate a lame duck is, of course, if there
are any changes in the Congress, there is a real tendency not to allow
an expired, retired group of lawmakers make policy. So I don't know
that there necessarily will be one. We'll just have to see if Congress
can finish its business.
Q: Ari, one on the declarative portion of the Biden-Lugar resolution
as written. The resolution urges the President to work through the
United Nations. But, separately and distinctly from that, it would
authorize the President to use force when the President could present
a determination to the House and the Senate that Saddam's weapons
provided such a grave threat that military force is justified. Is the
President willing to provide that determination in accordance with
that resolution?
MR. FLEISCHER: Again, there is an old adage in drafting of any
language on the Hill that says nothing is agreed to until everything
is agreed to. And you've seen the drafts as they've been exchanged, so
you know what the various discussions are about. And hopefully, the
process will come to a conclusion rather quickly and everybody will
know exactly what the language is, and then we'll see how much support
there is for it in the Congress.
Q: Does the President have any particular beef with that portion of
the declarative part of that resolution?
MR. FLEISCHER: Again, this is not something I can negotiate in the
press for the President. I can try to give you indications of where he
is on some of these major issues. But nothing's agreed to until
everything is, and we'll see what the ultimate outcome is.
Q: If I can just finally follow that? Usually, "compromise" means to a
lot of people the idea of a search for the center, a search for middle
ground. Is the President searching for middle ground on this issue?
MR. FLEISCHER: I think the center and the middle ground have already
been found. I think that right now, if this was put to the Congress in
the form that the administration submitted it just last week as a
result of the first round of discussions, it would find very large
bipartisan support, very large. So the conversations are continuing
because the President thinks it's important to listen to members of
Congress, to continue the process, to hear. After all, the question of
allowing to authorize force is an important issue. But I think the
Senators have already spoken.
Q: Ari, could I just clarify the one bullet line -- is the White House
from this podium advocating the assassination of Saddam Hussein by his
own people, by his military?
MR. FLEISCHER: No, the question was about potential costs and
different scenarios for costs. And I just cited the fact that Saddam
Hussein has survived as a result of the repression and suppression of
his own people, and that's a reality about what life is like inside
Iraq.
Q: But I'm not asking you a question about costs. I'm asking you if
you intend to advocate from that podium that some Iraqis, person put a
bullet in his head?
MR. FLEISCHER: Regime change is welcome in whatever form that it
takes.
Q: So the answer is, yes?
MR. FLEISCHER: Thank you.
Regime change is welcome in whatever form it takes.
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)



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