U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing
INDEX
TUESDAY, AUGUST 24, 1999
Briefers: JAMES B. FOLEY
IRAQ |
|
7-8 |
Enforcement of the No-Fly Zone |
8 |
Humanitarian Situation in Iraq / Sanctions |
8-9 |
US Contacts with Iraqi Opposition |
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING
DPB #110
TUESDAY, AUGUST 24, 1999 1:15 P.M.
(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)
................
QUESTION: Two subjects, also for a slow news day. Iraq. Jim, have the French recently renewed their concerns to the US Government over the continued US-led bombing raids over Iraq?
MR. FOLEY: I'm not aware that we've been in diplomatic contact with France on this particular matter involving the no-fly zone and no-fly zone enforcement. I think that on the part of Paris, there has historically been a concern that the no-fly zone enforcement, or the whole entire issue of Iraq, be treated in such a way as to preserve the territorial integrity of Iraq.
Let me say for the record that we completely agree with our French allies that that is a very important principle that we thoroughly support the continued territorial integrity of Iraq. So on that question, I think there's no daylight between us.
In terms of our enforcement of the no-fly zone, however, we believe that our enforcement is something that flows out of Security Council resolutions from the time of the Gulf War; that it's intended to protect the people of Northern and Southern Iraq from depredations by Saddam Hussein; and that the actual use of force that has occurred with some regularity since December in enforcing the no-fly zone is wholly the responsibility of Saddam Hussein, who is clearly attempting to shoot down an allied aircraft and, therefore, is challenging the aircraft, endangering pilots, illuminating aircraft, and our pilots are responding in self-defense.
QUESTION: Just on that note, if I could just follow up, in terms of - this is not new, either, obviously. Some people who are sort of with the Iraqis stepping up their attempts to hit an allied aircraft in the no-fly zone, it seems to be happening more and more lately. More and more people are coming forward - critics, analysts and the op-ed pages - sort of questioning the whole sort of US approach to Iraq; saying it's at a stalemate, it's not working, inspectors haven't been in there since December. There are reports that the sanctions are causing some damage in some areas of the country. What do you say to those critics, who really say that this policy is not working and it's time for a full review of the approach to Iraq?
MR. FOLEY: Well, I certainly don't agree with the basic premise that the policy is not working, and I've said this before. If you asked Saddam Hussein does he think American policy is one that he likes or doesn't, I'm sure he doesn't like it one bit because he's still very much contained, unable to threaten his neighbors, constrained in his ability to threaten his own people - at least in the north and south of Iraq - still subject to sanctions and, therefore, very much a contained threat in the region.
We would share the concern of critics over the fact that we have not had weapons inspectors on the ground in Iraq since the end of last year; that is a significant concern. Therefore, we are pushing strongly in the Security Council for a resolution which protects the integrity of the inspection regime, which continues to ensure that Saddam Hussein's imports are monitored, scrutinized and approved carefully by the international community so that he's unable to import elements that can bolster his weapons programs.
But we very much want to see progress in this area because we believe that the best way of ensuring that the international community has a handle on his programs to develop weapons of mass destruction and is, indeed, in a position to disarm those weapons and programs is to have inspectors on the ground in Iraq. We are striving to achieve that in the Security Council, but we're not willing to sacrifice the integrity of the program. We're not willing to see "Potemkin" inspectors or inspection regime. We don't trust Saddam Hussein and, therefore, we are moving forward with those concerns very much in mind.
QUESTION: Will the sanctions have caused the doubling of the infant mortality since ten years ago? And people even in Great Britain, like George Galloway, are intending to send a tour bus to protest against the sanctions. Now the sanctions the United States has installed another regime in Iraq, but so far we didn't see any results. Is there any other way to deal with the regime of Saddam Hussein; and are there any efforts to escalate these strikes since we have seen 110 strikes this year alone?
MR. FOLEY: Well, as you know, in terms of your question about the humanitarian situation, we have a very clear view of this, which is that the problem of malnutrition and the humanitarian crisis in Iraq is the responsibility of Saddam Hussein. We enabled the oil-for-food program to go forward. It took a long time to persuade Saddam Hussein to allow that to go forward. The problem is that if the United Nations is authorized to feed and care for the people of Iraq, then he loses his best argument, his best propaganda tool for arguing in favor of lifting the sanctions.
In this regard, if you're looking for something that can improve the situation, I think that Saddam Hussein ought to heed the report issued by Secretary General Annan last week, in which he called for Iraq to do more to help mothers and children under the oil-for-food program. For over a year, the UN has urged Iraq to use oil-for-food revenues to purchase special nutritional supplements targeted at vulnerable groups. But despite its promises, Iraq ordered only one of these items in the last 15 months.
In light of the recent UNICEF report on the child mortality rates in the regions controlled by Saddam Hussein, Iraq should, indeed, redouble its efforts to provide nutrition and humanitarian assistance to the innocent victims of his regime.
But again, the UNICEF report underscores the success and efficiency of the oil-for-food program in the northern regions of Iraq, where the child mortality rates have fallen to below pre-Gulf War levels. In the south and central regions, where Saddam Hussein controls the territory, medicine and humanitarian assistance sits in warehouses while child mortality rates have doubled.
QUESTION: The INC was supposed to have its general assembly to get a new umbrella organization launched by mid-July. It hasn't happened. Can you tell us what's going on there; and are you trying to persuade them to speed this process up? Because it doesn't look too good.
MR. FOLEY: Well, here, because, to be perfectly honest with you, I'm just back after having been absent for quite a number of weeks. I am not up to speed on our contacts with the Iraqi opposition and the efforts to get that assembly underway. So I'd like to take the question and come back to you if not this afternoon then tomorrow on it.
QUESTION: Do you have anything about the Syrian transfer or the purchase of the Chinese missile technology?
MR. FOLEY: I've not heard that story. Maybe after the --
QUESTION: It's a Washington Times story.
MR. FOLEY: I've not seen it. Maybe we can talk afterwards and we can look into it and get back to you.
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(The briefing concluded at 2:25 P.M.)
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[end of document]
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