SADDAM'S NAT'L DAY SPEECH
Iraq News, JULY 18, 1999
By Laurie MylroieThe central focus of Iraq News is the tension between the considerable, proscribed WMD capabilities that Iraq is holding on to and its increasing stridency that it has complied with UNSCR 687 and it is time to lift sanctions. If you wish to receive Iraq News by email, a service which includes full-text of news reports not archived here, send your request to Laurie Mylroie .
I. SADDAM'S NAT'L DAY SPEECH, IRAQ TV, JUL 17
The Wash Post, Jul 15, reported, "An administration official who
closely monitors intelligence on Iraq, [said], 'We have seen no evidence
of reconstruction of weapons of mass destruction.'"
That assessment, of course, is at odds with that of high-ranking
Israeli defense officials, as reported by Israel TV, Channel 2, Jul 13
[see "Iraq News," Jul 14]. Also, former UNSCOM Chairman, Amb. Rolf
Ekeus, spoke, Jul 15, in Wash DC. Ekeus said that he had seen "no
evidence" Saddam had changed and that one could draw opposite
conclusions from the same information. Asked to elaborate on what might
happen if effective weapons inspections/monitoring are not reestablished
in Iraq, Ekeus said, among other things, "Those who are not friendly to
Iraq will live to regret that they have not been friendly."
Jim Hoagland, Jul 15, praised Ehud Barak's apparent tough-mindedness,
as opposed to Clinton's "offhand utopianism" and the "well-meaning US
politicians and diplomats with careers and great hopes invested in the
peace process." Hoagland advised, "Barak should make it clear to
Clinton that Israel will move cautiously toward peace with an Arab world
that is not at peace with itself, that tolerates the political and
physical poisons Saddam and Gadahfi manufacture. . . . The Clinton
administration's neglect of Iraq's rebuilding of its security apparatus
and its arsenal of chemical and biological weapons since UN arms
inspectors were expelled last year suggests Washington misperceives the
interconnected nature of Middle East politics."
On Jul 15, Clinton and Barak met on-on-one at the White House for 2 ½
hours, without notetakers or aides. Shortly after their meeting ended,
a senior administration official gave a press briefing. Asked, "Did
they talk about any other regional issues--Iran, Iraq?," he replied,
"Not that I'm aware of." One hopes that was not so.
Also, Haaretz, today, reported, "During their prolonged discussion at
Camp David President Clinton and Premier Barak agreed to set a 15-month
deadline ending in October 2000, by which time an Israeli-Palestinian
peace agreement would have been finalized, and breakthroughs leading to
a settlement between Israel, Syria and Lebanon would have been
achieved." October, 2000? What impact could that have on the US
elections the next month?
Yesterday was Iraq's Nat'l day, the 31st anniversary of the coup that
brought Saddam and the Baath to power. Saddam gave his annual speech.
Most notably, he called for Israel's destruction. He also described the
Baathist experience in Iraq in a religious, prophetic context, revealing
the megalomania that makes him so dangerous. Saddam also attacked other
Arab rulers and the US. But he spoke most vehemently against Israel.
Saddam said, "Palestine is an Arab land and is the home of the
Palestinians. It is part of the greater Arab homeland and our glorious
Arab nation. It houses the first qiblah and the third holiest site. . .
Is it possible for someone who accepts its occupation by the Zionists
and accepts the fact that Jerusalem is still occupied or captive in the
hands of Zionism, to claim that he is a believer and know for sure that
God accepts his prayers? We in great struggler Iraq do not accept this
...
"Palestine is Arab and Zionism must leave it. If any Jews want to
coexist with its people, then the sons of the one homeland have a right,
and those who immigrate to it have rights and duties, which they must
accept. If they fail to do that, then each should return to his country
and that is all. . . .
"Some may say that these ideas are unrealistic; however, this is a
historical fact as it is. It is also the truth of what the sons of our
Arab and Islamic nation say and believe in. . . . As to how we can work
for it, this is a different matter. . . .
Addressing other Arab rulers, Saddam said, "Some people's rush
forward chasing so-called peace solutions-which are merely solutions of
capitulation-has encouraged the Zionists at the center for Zionism in
Palestine, as well as in the other places that support Zionism, [to]
belittle the Arabs. Even worse it made them-deep down in their
hearts-look down on the Arabs, regardless of what they profess and
claim. Excessive compromising made the Arab nation lose confidence in
those in power. This is a losing bet. . . . It is not wise for
anyone-whoever they may be-to lose the confidence of the people and the
nation. . . . It is on this basis that we view the statements of those
overly eager to please the Zionists and who have good faith in the
so-called new prime minister of the Zionist entity and its Western
allies. . . Changing roles, faces, and titles is nothing but a procedure
that Zionism needs in order to buy time and push the lost ones into new
mazes. . . . In the end, this gives Zionism the ability to benefit from
the state of frustration or revolution declared by the people due to
their lack of confidence in their ruler."
Saddam began his speech by attributing enormous, mind-boggling
significance to the coup that brought him and the Baath to power.
Saddam said, "As man's mental ability gradually increased, God gave
mankind prophets . . . God almighty has taught us-through his prophets
and messengers-how public interest stems from private interest and all
ensuing laws, when he created the Arab nation as a cradle for heavenly
prophecy. He gave Iraq the largest share of this honor, when he made
prophet Ibrahim [Abraham]-who is an Iraqi-the father of all prophets.
Despite his birthplace, God gave Ibrahim a responsibility far greater
than the land where he was born, so he toured areas in our homeland to
deliver God's message. . . . God saved the Iraqis . . . and helped them
to rise higher and higher by making their land the cradle of His
prophets and choosing an Iraqi, Ibrahim, the father of prophets, to be a
messenger to humanity.
"Your revolution is a serious one that was nurtured by serious people.
. . . Despite the revolution's serious sacrifices-which were caused by
the resistance of the covetous people and those who adopt rigid stands
against its legitimate goals, the revolution rose to the loftiness and
comprehensiveness of its goals. . . Through this revolution, God blessed
our nation once again after the era of prophecy and human messages to
His prophets had ended. After this revolution carefully examined its
own principles, God made it a springboard to its more general concept
and genuine doctrine, as well as greater hopes. . .
Notably, although Saddam was careful to say "the era of prophecy" had
ended, he came close to suggesting that he and those who carried out
Iraq's revolution, were heirs of a prophetic tradition, with a message
of their own for all human beings.
Saddam also said, "Based on this, a more comprehensive human role had
been linked to the national and pan-Arab role of the Arab and Iraqi
people, who, as revolutionaries, had a duty and commitment to making a
constant change and rebelling against unacceptable and outdated habits.
That was a task God assigned to the prophets, or a direct task by the
prophets and messengers to man. . . . If the Arabs refrain from
rebelling against their reality, in accordance with the task God has
assigned to them and the law of life, then they would not only be
ignoring one of their rights, but also committing a sin. The Arabs have
a human role to play. They must act as an example to be emulated and
must be a source of illumination and hope for humanity."
Thus, the Arabs are obliged to rebel against "their reality," in which
they perceive themselves weak and incapable. It is "a task which God
has assigned to them." Not to do so, would be " a sin," while in their
rebellion, the Arabs can act as a "source of illumination and hope for
humanity."
Saddam also talked about oil. "We said in a previous speech that
'Arab oil is for the Arabs' was one of the Baathist slogans. . . . It
has become clear now that the oil is for foreigners, as it was in the
1950s, not for the Arabs. Is this acceptable? . . . [The United
States] has made oil lose any political and effective strategic value
that would strengthen the position of its owners. Moreover, it is
forcing oil owners, especially in the Arabian Gulf, to purchase the
commodities and services it deems necessary from them, whether civilian
or military. The United States determines the amounts and prices of
oil, with the help of its fleets and the occupation forces with which it
occupied the oil sources in the Arabian Gulf countries. . . Thus, the
concerned Arab and even non-Arab rulers have become nothing but casual
night watchmen of oil . . . This tragic situation requires serious
consultations among the oil countries, whenever there is a will and
intention to hold such consultations, even on a limited scale, and not
by all members of OPEC, which has been penetrated by foreign ploys. . .
It is the responsibility of everyone who wants to be liberated or keep
their freedom. People can play great and historic roles in their
countries by motivating their rulers or pushing them into a corner if
they could not make them move forward with the rising trend."
Of course, in all this, Saddam challenged other Arab rulers. He
believes in his own vast pre-eminence. He cannot proclaim that, and his
program, without putting others down. And he did not hesitate to do so,
even if, in this speech, he sought to moderate his challenge somewhat.
Thus, in discussing the Palestinian issue/destruction of Israel, Saddam
said, "Knowing how some Arab leaders in our nation are sensitive about
telling the truth or hearing a different opinion . . . we will refrain
from mentioning names and titles, not because we want to evade anything,
but because we have hope in the possibility of reaching the minimum
standards of propriety."
Saddam also advised, "When differences arise among all Arab rulers
and the overwhelming majority of the peoples of the glorious Arab
nation, these differences become grave and irresolvable except through
revolution. . . . [But] we call for revolution without naming anybody
and without evil premeditated intentions. We have no personal or
subjective aims. We call for it as an objective method when other
methods fail."
Notably, Saddam does not speak like a figure cowering before
sanctions, the no-fly zones, and the occasional raids there. He is
confident and more than ready to challenge others. In fact, he does so
in any way unmatched by any other Middle Eastern leader today.
I. SADDAM'S NAT'L DAY SPEECH
Baghdad Iraq Television Network in Arabic 0704 GMT 17 Jul 99
[Speech by Iraqi President Saddam Husayn on the 31st anniversary of the
17-30 July 1968 revolution -- live or recorded]
[FBIS Translated Text] In the name of God, most gracious, most merciful;
O patient, struggling, loyal, great people, valiant fighters in our
heroic and trustworthy Armed Forces, state officials and builders, and
the courageous members of the national security forces, men and women-
Iraq's conscience and its alert eyes-strugglers everywhere: God's peace
and blessings be upon you.
Ever since the creation of man in this great universe, or shortly
afterwards, when man realized what is best for him according to his
capabilities and as far as he can see, a new concept and hope began. The
concept is that of going beyond individuality and material concepts, and
hope for the possibility of achieving work processes related to them or
connecting them. The birth of this concept and hope was accompanied by
the rise of opponents who resisted them, and people became divided into
conflict. On the one hand, there were those who looked towards something
higher and better, and on the other hand, there were those who accepted
the situation and surrendered to it after being confused, their will
broken, or drowned by familiar phrases of what is easy to reach and
inherited from their forefathers.
The degree and level of struggle is measured by the degree of
opposition to new ideas and the extent to which those who have
surrendered hold on to inherited and material ideas and try to keep the
status quo in relation with the reformists' insistence on a new idea and
hope so that greater and deeper concepts can be achieved.
As ideas, hopes, and the programs and goals in the relevant fields
grow wider and larger, the gap widens between differing parties, thus
intensifying the struggle and increasing sacrifice. It is logical to say
that the further concepts and hope move away from familiar ideas, the
greater and more serious is the transfer of humanity from one state to a
better one. Based on this, and not based on familiarity and commonality,
humanity evolved and the role of man on earth grew greater, leading him
to realize and believe in the presence of God Almighty. The realization
of one God is a sign of advanced vision and belief, and the liberation
of man from seeing things with the naked eye and drowning in common
material concepts enabled him to form an idea of better concepts and
have hope of achieving these ideas.
As man's mental ability gradually increased, God gave mankind prophets
and gave man an increasing role that made him realize he could never
know and understand everything. With this inability to grasp complete
knowledge, despite the developed stage of his mind and abilities, man
found a human need to hide his frustration over this inability by
keeping concepts and hope alive in order to develop the mind. He
tirelessly sought what was new with no limits except those set by God-
who is all-knowing, almighty, and merciful-and that are meant to save
him from this stage of frustration and to maintain the moral bases
that are necessary for development and rising toward better things.
This is how the human revolution was born in concept. It had many
forms and attempts, each based on its own view, and its national and
human role with the relevant willingness to persevere and sacrifice.
Based on this, O glorious Iraqis, our revolution in terms of ideas and
concepts, and even its goals in general, is not a new or distinguished
situation, nor is it new to the way of thought of the Iraqi people or
the glorious Arab nation. We find in the different corners of the Arab
nation ideas and actions and relevant programs, goals, and attempts,
some of which have only covered a short distance since the starting
line, others have covered a considerable distance, while others have
delivered a mature and complete message to humanity. God almighty has
taught us-through his prophets and messengers-how public interest stems
from private interest and all ensuing laws when he created the Arab
nation as a cradle for heavenly prophecy. He gave Iraq the largest share
of this honor, when he made prophet Ibrahim [Abraham]-who is an Iraqi-
the father of all prophets; despite his birthplace, God gave Ibrahim a
responsibility far greater than the land where he was born, so he toured
areas in our homeland to deliver God's message.
What is more important is not the idea of a revolution as the
beginning of change, neither are its goals of unity, freedom, and
socialism new. What is new and important in the concept is its serious
nature, honesty, and its rise among a people historically known for
their serious nature and known for always surpassing that which is
familiar to that which is greater, deeper, and more comprehensive. God
saved the Iraqis from the frustration of going downhill and helped them
to rise higher and higher by making their land the cradle of his
prophets and choosing an Iraqi, Ibrahim the father of prophets, to be a
messenger to humanity.
Your revolution is a serious one that was nurtured by serious people.
As well, it is a sincere and a faithful revolution that never ceases to
uphold its national, pan-Arab, and human doctrine. This revolution was
put to the test, not only to examine its seriousness, but also to
examine the sincerity of its initiators, the great Iraqi people and the
glorious Ba'th, as well as their faithfulness after they have integrated
into one. The initiators of the revolution and the Ba'th rejected any
submission, lowliness, or relinquishment of the principles of
rightfulness. Besides, they refused to count on skepticism instead of
certainty, champion private interests at the expense of public
interests, succumb to hesitation instead of initiation, stand away from
the sublime goals of the revolution or agree to contemplate other
options that do not revere our people.
Despite the revolution's serious sacrifices-which were caused by the
resistance of the covetous people and those who adopt rigid stands
against its legitimate goals, the revolution rose up to the loftiness
and comprehensivesness of its goals. It approached the principles of the
public after it satisfied those of its initiators and purged people of
any fanaticism and inclination toward the narrow nationalist principles.
In so doing, the revolution adopted a human vision and action which aim
to establish well-being, security, amity, and justice among humanity on
the basis of the principles of rightfulness and its immortal heritage.
Thus, your national, pan-Arab, human, sincere, serious, and honest
revolution has become only understandable when one examines its profound
meanings and rationale. Therefore, it has become a revolution
characterized by profound human values.
Through this revolution, God blessed our nation once again after the
era of prophecy and human messages to His prophets had ended. After this
revolution carefully examined its own principles, God made it a
springboard to its more general concept and genuine doctrine, as well as
greater hopes. Its platform was constantly put to the test and,
eventually, it proved viable, thanks to God and to the sincere
willingness of the great paradigm, the great Iraqis. It also proved
viable owing to the support of our faithful and glorious nation, as well
as our friends in humanity.
Thus, the revolution put forward a sound policy that was based on a
sound principle supported by the determination that springs from an
unshakable belief. The revolution was able to march steadily forward
after having made successful steps in consolidating the confidence of
the Iraqis in the possibility of taking the next step with a view to
achieving the complete goal depending on the help of God the almighty.
O great people, O sons of our glorious Arab nation: This is how the
struggle was. This has always been the case in the situation between the
Arab nation-as it adopted values of an awakening, moving forward, and
performing a better role-and its enemies. The more the nation and its
leaders were in the front lines of the struggle, standing vigilant and
well prepared for such a role, the more sufficient its ability to defeat
its enemies with certainty after relying on God. Regardless of
everything, the enemies of the nation cannot recognize the pan-Arab and
human role of the Arab nation before being totally convinced that it is
capable of wresting its right to perform this role and before knowing
for sure that this nation totally rejects being humiliated, subjugated,
and weakened, after having been a proud nation which God endowed with
the strength of a solid faith and entrusted with an essential historical
role.
Based on these principles, your great people, who led the march of
your Arab nation; namely, the proud, faithful, and capable Iraqi people,
have resisted and are still resisting the frustrated attempts of Zionism
and the tyrants of this age, the successive US Administrations, which
are now using US capabilities-technology, economic, and science-on
behalf of Zionism, which have grudges against the Arabs and that
want to take revenge against the Arabs and Muslims in general, as well
as against humanity at large, through the Zionist-leaning Jewish
administrations.
Proceeding from this concept of our faith and based on this idea,
hope, policy, and this serious effort to take action to implement this
policy, one can understand the revolution of the people, the revolution
of the Ba'th which was launched on 17-30 July 1968. This revolution then
turned into a work mechanism and a march, when it was merely a hope and
secret fight based only on an idea.
On the birthday of the revolution, we recall its concepts and mark it
as a revolution that has a special character and as a light that
dispelled darkness, God willing. Those who believed in the revolution
and its march were freed from being slaves to the impossible. Thus, they
became free in their minds, conscience, and objectives in this age. The
people of Iraq and its leading party said together in a loud voice:
Damned be the impossible. They embarked on construction and cultivated
noble and sublime meanings and values. This enabled the people to work
without hesitation. The sun continued to shine over the flag of "God is
Great," which embodied the relationship between what is on earth and the
God of heaven and earth; and between the role of the great, free man on
earth--the cradle of the first civilization--and the call for
worshipping one God. This call liberated the nation from worshipping
idols and seeking mediators between a merciful God and an intelligent,
honest, faithful, and capable human.
Thus, brothers, hands were freed after the minds, consciences were
freed, and they started building and defending what they built. Victory
over the enemies of God; humanity is certain, since faith has become
certain in minds and consciences. The masks have fallen and the dirty
faces, whose fangs drip with the blood of martyrs and innocent people,
have been exposed.
Brother Arabs: On the basis of these principles and their meanings and
requirements--struggle and jihad--God privileged your nation by choosing
prophets from it to spread faith and virtue. God made the prophets an
example--to be emulated--of the change toward the better and of
establishing justice and fighting injustice and tyrants. Also, on the
basis of these principles and their high meanings, God Almighty chose
the prophets on the land of the Arabs as revolutionaries, in the hope of
delivering the heavenly messages to the world, once a base for launching
these messages is secured; namely, the land of the Arabs and its
distinguished people, and once the Arabs have prepared themselves and
developed their capabilities to perform a human role and spread the
message where God wanted.
Yes, the prophets and messengers were revolutionaries, seeking to
qualitatively change life toward the better. God's first lesson to man
after his creation was that he had a role to play in this life and a
duty toward developing it. Man received one of the most important
lessons about this role by revolutionary prophets and messengers, whom
the Creator had given the idea and what they needed to implement it. He
had also instilled in their hearts and minds firm and great hope and
faith that the idea and hope could be applied and spread wherever God
wanted. Thus, the people of the greater Arab homeland were the first to
learn from the prophets the idea that goes beyond this material life,
and the Arab people were the first to receive lessons from the prophets
of God and their leading role on the requirements of change, revolution,
and leadership.
Based on this, a more comprehensive human role had been linked to the
national and pan-Arab role of the Arab and Iraqi people, who, as
revolutionaries, had a duty and commitment to making a constant change
and rebelling against unacceptable and outdated habits. That was a task
God assigned to the prophets, or a direct task by the prophets and
messengers to man. The timing, type, and methods of revolution are
subject to man's judgment, depending on man's life and its
circumstances. In this context, if the Arabs refrain from playing their
role in the change toward the better and from doing what is necessary to
address inaction, remove corrosion from the life, hearts, and minds that
become old and go blind, and replace what is worn-out with what is new;
and if the Arabs refrain from rebelling against their reality in
accordance with the task God has assigned to them and the law of life,
then they would not only be ignoring one of their rights, but also
committing a sin. The Arabs have a human role to play. They must act as
an example to be emulated and must be a source of illumination and hope
for humanity.
O sons of our people, the glorious Arab nation, and mankind at large:
The great Ba'th [renaissance] was born out of these concepts. The Bath
Party led the July 1968 revolution whose significance and meaning we
celebrate today. The revolution changed what existed then and replaced
it with something better. It pursued an uphill task and did not stop.
The fighters and revolutionaries never compromised and continued their
ascension and excellence, without impatience, to establish the society
of justice and unify the Arabs around a single aim. Their aim was to
maintain and push the effective Arab action forward, making the Arab
nation a bright example for mankind because it is the only nation which
proved in the past that is was able to play this role honestly and
sincerely. Its role was not an oppressive and exploiting one, and it
will play a distinguished role on the regional and international level.
Other nations failed to play this role when their resources and
capabilities outweighed their comprehension of the elements of material
life within regions under their rule. Moreover, the Arab nation had done
a favor for mankind by conveying the idea and teachings of monotheism
and the divine religions that emanated from monotheism, making this
nation a pioneer in this regard, and making its steps in this direction
more secure and steady than others.
Thus, this is your revolution, brothers and friends--ideas, hopes,
action programs, jihad and struggle. The revolution was like this when
it started during the underground phase of organization, it remained the
same in the Ba'thist conscience when the change started, and it remained
original. It will never replace the original with the fake, the good
with the evil. It did not reduce the sublime meaning to a trivial one
and did not compromise on its uphill task in order to continue the
change and development for the better after relying on God. This is
because the revolution is the daughter of the great Ba'th Party, which
was established to restore the nation back to its great values and to
play its sincere pan-Arab role and carry out its original comprehensive
and humanitarian mission.
Arab brothers, despite knowing how some Arab leaders in our nation
are sensitive about telling the truth or hearing a different opinion
about important issues of pan-Arab effect that goes beyond the immediate
present and stretch a long time ahead to an unknown future, despite
knowing how sensitive some are about the Palestinian issue, and because
we are Arabs who rely on great meanings that we talked about in this
address and others, and because the people of Iraq have proved
throughout time that they have born and still bear a special burden and
honor that are in line with the people's belief in raising the nation,
we must say the truth and work on it, regardless of the consequences. We
will try to protect ourselves from the echo of the ravens crow and from
being stabbed in the back by applying issues to all rather than
individualizing them. In order for us to maintain objectivity and a
principled outlook, we will refrain from mentioning names and titles not
because we want to evade anything, but because we have hope in the
possibility of reaching the minimum standards of propriety.
Palestine is our pan-Arab and human issue, which is always on our
minds. Some may find us insistent on this topic if they overlooked this
issue's relevance to all of our nation's important issues, or did not
examine what we have stated in this address and other addresses
considering it a vital part of our beliefs regarding Iraq's role in Arab
and human life, and the role of our nation in humanity. If one examines
a situation that agrees to exchange views without being previously
charged with an opposing view, then he will understand that what we are
saying about Palestine is not a detached or emotional view or a worn-out
slogan.
Our stand on Palestine may differ from ideas others may have. It is
not hope that fades with the setting of the sun and appears with its
rise. It is hope that draws its continued radiance from the legitimacy
of its base and its rights.
Brothers, Palestine is an Arab land, and is the home of the
Palestinians. It is part of the greater Arab homeland and our glorious
Arab nation. It houses the first qiblah and the third holiest site. Is
it right for an Arab person, or someone who claims to be an Arab and a
believer, to relinquish all these meanings? Is it possible for someone,
who accepts its occupation by the Zionists and accepts the fact that
Jerusalem is still occupied or captive in the hands of Zionism, to claim
that he is a believer and know for sure that God accepts his prayers? We
in great struggler Iraq do not accept this. We base this view on the
meanings we have talked about.
We say, without intending to offend anyone, but only to do our duty
toward God, ourselves, the nation, and humanity: Palestine is Arab, and
Zionism must leave it. If any Jews want to coexist with its people, then
the sons of the one homeland have a right, and those who immigrate to it
have rights and duties, which they must accept. If they fail to do that,
then each should return to his country, and that is all.
Brother Arabs, Muslims, believers of other faiths: Some may say that
these ideas are unrealistic; however, this is a historical fact as it
is. It is also the truth of what the sons of our Arab and Islamic nation
say and believe in. Perhaps, others say the same thing, although they
don't act accordingly. This is a historical fact, and anything else is
a falsification of reality and history. We must say it and work for it
as it is. As to how we can work for it, this is a different matter. At
any rate, when we work for it, we should not contradict the basic facts.
Because we want a just peace for all nations of the world we must
adhere to a just peace for our nation concerning its problems and
enemies and reject capitulation and formulas of ignominy, submission,
and high-handed treatment. This truth will eventually become visible,
even if it is being ignored by some, and shrouded by delusion, and even
if fears managed to remove it from the limelight, and even if the weak
ones could not raise it high enough to make it visible. This is as sure
as the fact that I am talking to you now. Our stand is supported by many
people of our nation on the basis of these meanings and facts. Someone
will eventually dare to tell the untarnished truth. He will relentlessly
work and struggle to entrench this truth. Therefore, we believe that any
treatment that does not go deep to this essence will be minor, if not
marred and at odds with the truth. Such minor treatment will also defile
people, and lead to turmoil rather than create tranquillity and calm.
Anyway, any call for the so-called peace will give an opportunity to
the Zionists not only to gain more time to occupy the remainder of
Palestine, but also to create splits among the Arab rulers themselves,
and, more seriously, between the rulers and the people. When
differences arise among all Arab rulers and the overwhelming majority of
the peoples of the glorious Arab nation, these differences become grave
and irresolvable except through revolution. Therefore, we believe that
Arab rulers should accept the viewpoints of other Arab rulers, and an
approach toward the controversial issues different from theirs. They
should be level-minded and patient and accept the viewpoints of their
brothers the Arab rulers and leaders at least when they fail to convince
the majority of our Arab nation of their ideas and stands on the
pan-Arab and national fateful causes, foremost of which is the cause of
Palestine. In so doing, they would entrench harmony instead of a
revolution that would be ignited by inattention to the viewpoints of the
nation and the absolute contradiction between one position and another.
You can see that when we speak about the revolution and its
historical necessity, therefore, we mean to speak about it as a means of
progressing toward the better. We do not call for the revolution based
on an arbitrary, demagogic manner. We do not mean any of the Arab
rulers. In all cases, our call for revolution does not imply a personal
feeling. We call for the revolution without naming anybody and without
evil, premeditated intentions. We have no personal or subjective aims.
We call for it as an objective method when other methods fail and as a
principled commitment or an unavoidable surgery and a means of change
when other methods fail, as I have said.
Brothers, you can thus see that what is called dictatorship in Iraq
by those who are being constantly whipped by Western and Zionist media
and diplomacy--this dictatorship is calling for respecting dialogue and
the opinion of others. Through free dialogue held on equal footing and
through good intentions, we can find better ways of how the media or the
diplomacy, or even the armies behave, should the need arise. This can be
done by accepting more than one opinion in the Arab homeland on crucial
and primary issues without sensitivity, without having differences lead
to destruction or plotting with the foreigners, and without measures
coupled with ill-intention. Consultation and accepting the views of
others strengthen the Arabs and even benefit those who have opinions
that are close--in form and not in substance--to the so-called peaceful
solutions that are presented by this or that party who concerned in
this regard.
In the spirit of this position, the Zionists and their allies can be
warned about the existence of the so-called extremists or hawks to
confront the humiliating arrogance and high-handedness, which is
rejected by all reasonable and strong-willed people. Only then will
you, the Arabs, find out that differences of views on crucial issues and
the acceptance by each one of us of the weight of the other, in
accordance to his views, is useful.
My Brothers Arab Rulers: Some people's rush forward chasing so-called
peace solutions -- which are merely solutions of capitulation -- has
encouraged the Zionists at the center for Zionism in Palestine, as well
as in the other places that support Zionism, belittle the Arabs. Even
worse, it made them -- deep down in their hearts -- look down upon the
Arabs, regardless of what they profess and claim. Excessive compromising
made the Arab nation lose confidence in those in power. This is a losing
bet.
Let this be known to you, Arab Brothers, that the confidence of the
masses can be the cause of vanity for any ruler or leader in times of
war as well as in times of peace. People's confidence is far more
important at the time when negotiations with another party are at stake
than any other time. If the negotiator loses people's confidence, he may
make compromises which the balance of powers cannot tolerate, not to
mention the fact that compromise is against principles in the first
place. Similarly, a leader may avoid showing any kind of flexibility
under the influence of being overly sensitive to people's rejection and
lack of trust in those who represent him.
Therefore, it is not wise for anyone -- whoever they may be -- to
lose the confidence of the people and the nation, except the lowly
traitors. There will be no regrets if they [the traitors] do, although
treachery grieves the Arab nation which has become accustomed to being
faithful to God, His holy books and prophets, and has played a key role
in passing on sincerity, love, peace, justice, and right to the rest of
mankind. It is on this basis that we view the statements of those
overly eager to please the Zionists and who have good faith in the
so-called new prime minister of the Zionist entity and its Western
allies.
When Lebanon was being destroyed, there were allegations that the
decision had been made by the former prime minister. The Arabs concerned
did not dare curse the former prime minister before receiving a signal
from the US black house; thus, a new Zionist prime minister is being
lavishly praised, with those praising him hoping to play a new card on a
new horse. They do not know that changing roles, faces, and titles is
nothing but a procedure that Zionism needs in order to buy time and push
the lost ones into new mazes, constantly placing them against their
nation's opinion and will. In the end, this gives Zionism the
ability to benefit from the state of frustration or revolution declared
by the people due to their lack of confidence in their ruler.
God knows that our intentions are good. We rely on his Almighty hand
in the revolution against the unjust ones. Allahu akbar, long live
Palestine, a free and Arab country. Allahu Akbar, down with Zionism.
O Arabs: We said in a previous speech that the Arab oil is for the
Arabs was one of the Ba'thist slogans. We raised it and struggled for
it. In the Ba'th struggle in Iraq, martyrs have fallen for the sake of
this slogan, and others have fallen elsewhere in the greater Arab
homeland. That has been the case since we were students in preparatory
and secondary schools. Years have gone by and we have become people
occupying positions of responsibility who can better see things around
us. This has only made us realize how our militant party was correct in
stressing that the Arab oil must be for the Arabs. It has become clear
now that the oil is for foreigners, as it was in the 1950s, not for the
Arabs. Is this acceptable? The Arab oil was possessed by the foreign
companies affiliated with colonialist and imperialist states. They
controlled oil in terms of extraction, industry, transportation,
exportation, quantities, and prices. Oil prices were not publicly known
then, because no neutral parties bought or sold oil. The industrially
advanced world was split into two blocs: The communist bloc and the
capitalist bloc. If a neutral party existed in either side, it did not
have enough weight to decide the international policy.
The only exception was parties of limited capabilities within the
Nonaligned Movement in the 1960's and 1970's. The world then received
its oil supplies either from the capitalist states in the form of aid or
in the form of similar facilities if it was under the banner of the
socialist bloc or politically close to it within the Comecon economic
grouping.
The true value of oil, the extent of the market's need for it, and
its role in states' strategic and foreign hegemony efforts, which means
imperialist colonialist policy, was known for the first time when Iraq
nationalized its oil in 1972. Nationalization succeeded after nine
months of siege that the concession companies tried to impose through
their countries' support. The only exception was France, which did not
take part in that siege, and agreed to special arrangements given to it
at Iraq's initiative in the era of the de Gaullist President Pompidou.
Imperialist nations then faced an embarrassing situation and were
forced to reconsider the concessions they had in Third World countries
on a large scale. They feared the winds of nationalization, which were
blowing from Iraq. In Iraq, the nationalization succeeded, thanks to its
steadfastness and the world's openness to it. The world sought to buy
Iraqi oil on the basis of competitive and tempting prices offered by
Iraq to enable nationalization to succeed in view of the balanced policy
between the two blocs, which we spoke about.
Now, the balance of powers between the big powers that have influence
and interests outside their boundaries and nations that have an
imperialist and colonialist influence has been upset. Thus, the price of
oil has once again become extremely unstable. The United States and its
partners in imperialist ambitions from the countries of the West have
resumed their policy of controlling oil from its source until it is
loaded and sold on the international markets. The United States
determines the price of oil by controlling the balance of supply and
meeting demand from the reserve it provides at cheap prices, as we
explained on an earlier occasion.
What is worse, the United States is not satisfied with all this ugly
colonization and control over oil. It has made oil lose any political
and effective strategic value that would strengthen the position of its
owners. Moreover, it is forcing oil owners, especially in the Arabian
Gulf, to purchase the commodities and services it deems necessary for
them, whether civilian or military. The United States determines the
amounts and prices of oil, with the help of its fleets and the
occupation forces with which it occupied the oil sources in the Arabian
Gulf countries. The United States also stripped the oil rulers in
general of any control, influence, or free decisions over oil, which has
become nothing but an ordinary commodity whose prices and influence are
determined by the Americans in a certain manner inside Arab countries
and in a different manner outside these countries.
Thus, the concerned Arab and even non-Arab rulers have become
nothing but casual night watchmen of oil, who sometimes carry out their
night watch or are handicapped supporters with experience from watchmen
who have brought them from abroad. This tragic situation requires
serious consultations among the oil countries whenever there is a will
and intention to hold such consultations, even on a limited scale, and
not by all members of OPEC, which has been penetrated by foreign ploys.
This small circle may be the best place to hold such consultations and
save those determined to reject this situation from falling into the
fangs of the foreign enemy. Some others could not be saved after they
lost their strength and determination because of their ignorance or
hatred.
It is the responsibility of everyone who wants to be liberated or to
keep their freedom. People can play great and historic roles in their
countries by motivating their rulers or pushing them into a corner if
they could not make them move forward with the rising trend.
Arab brothers, one of the strategic goals of the July Revolution
along with achieving Arab unity and human freedom in thought, mind, in
theory and in practice, was Socialism. Because the essence of socialism
lies in the concept of social and economic justice, and establishing the
basis of achieving social balance and protecting it from imbalance as
well as building it and developing its capabilities and the sources and
quality of its wealth, then socialism in our view is not implemented in
this sense unless Arab ties are based on the principles of Ba'th.
Therefore, if anything good happens to Iraq, then, by virtue of us
being one nation, it must also reach the people of our Arab nation one
way or another. This is how matters should be with the Egyptians,
Syrians, Yemenis, Gulf people, and the people of the Arab Maghreb, or
else the concept of a unified nation will remain incomplete and will not
evoke the meaning of cooperation as one body between the people of the
nation.
We have proposed numerous projects and ideas on past occasions,
especially before the siege, and we presented many papers on cooperation
and joint projects to Arab summits as well as our known initiatives in
bilateral ties with many Arab countries.
On this occasion, we have found that we should draw attention to
what we see as useful to our nation and would give it extra ability and
help. Some, especially those who have been lavishly gifted with natural
wealth, may say that calling for dividing wealth among the Arab nations
-- despite the Arab states being separate with no constitutional bonds
that allow for such an action, justify the enthusiasm of those who
suggest it, and make them willing to give a certain degree of sacrifice
in return for the opportunity to achieve some sort of unity under a
constitutional bond between one Arab country and another, or between
parts of an Arab country if they were under an umbrella that houses more
than one state -- are a mistake in realistic calculations, and that this
idea will remain a mere slogan.
This is not what we are proposing, for we are an active part of
reality and know its facts and elements. We are aware of what is
possible and what is not, but we feel that the nature of Arab economic,
social, and cultural ties, and the degree to which Arab countries are
connected, is a backward reality which does not even meet relative goals
that can be formulated to be progressive in our current Arab situation.
Serious attention must be paid to describing what is possible and what
is not, because it is a relative issue, and the existence -- or lack of
it -- of will and determination alongside true intentions plays a
crucial role in this description and its implementation. What may be
impossible from the viewpoint of the person who says it, may be possible
from another viewpoint, each based on the determination, awareness, and
intentions of each party.
We in Iraq -- even under the siege -- have tried implementing the
possibility of economic cooperation based on the so-called Memorandum of
Understanding with several Arab countries, and have found that this is
possible. This cooperation has activated our economic markets and
revived a level of social ties and thinking that perhaps did not exist
in the past.
Therefore, by giving precedence to Arab ties in actions, not just
words, Arab markets and ties are revived and their production improves
in quantity and quality. The degree of impact that each Arab market
has will be relevant to its capabilities. The basis of each country's
capabilities is the people. We will soon see that the more developed
helped raise the level of the less developed in everything, and the
country with the larger population has greater contributions when it
guarantees markets for its goods and services. At that point, everybody
will have benefited, and everybody will cooperate as part of a
unified nation.
The economic and social ties of Arab countries will interconnect to
form a protective material of the Arab tent, protecting good people from
the wrath of time. This tent, with its different forms of protection
and its vast size, will be a shelter for all Arabs protecting them from
the heat and cold.
Without this, growth and development in various fields and countries
generally becomes mere words, which others may describe as pure nonsense
given the major powers' control of raw materials in the world market,
down to simplest materials used in shaving and such services.
Capitalism, which used to say: let him work, let him pass, as a
counterpropaganda against communism has changed its call, now that it is
irked by the simplest of problems. The US Administrations, which talk so
much about freedom, are now stifling the free glow of goods and
commodities as well as services, and personnel from reaching its
domains. These administrations are now dictating to others what they
should sell or manufacture, the goods and commodities they purchase, how
much and how many. Such a situation makes economic progress an
unattainable wish in our greater Arab homeland for many if not for
everybody, as well as in the third world countries, for a long time to
come. This will make the heavily populated areas a burden on these
populations and a basic obstacle to growth and development, and
consequently to stability, instead of making the population element a
decisive factor when cooperation among the Arabs is opened, based on the
concept of one nation, one market, and one desire.
The counterforces are also confining the less populated areas to
their territories, isolated from their nation and its great resources
under the specter of fear and terrorization, transforming them into a
destructive cell in the body and spirit of their nation.
What we are calling for, brothers, is the minimum that must be
reached in relationships within the same nation. The success of this
idea is more determined by its future rather than its short-term result.
The blockade has nothing to do with these ideas. They are determined by
the principles of the Arab nation, its great Ba'th, and our pan-Arab and
humanitarian responsibility to our nation and our nation's role and
human duty toward the entire humanity. Unless the nation is in good
shape, none of its regions will be in good shape by itself. Unless the
nation is in good shape, it will be difficult for it to be a good
example for others, and others find it difficult to accept a role for it
among them or to accept it as a paragon for a better life.
Iraq has proved that it is able to be as though it were a whole
nation by itself when it invokes the glorious Arab nation's spirit,
values, and responsibility in carrying its message and reviving its role
at the pan-Arab and human levels.
The basic concern of these ideas is not Great Iraq, but all our Arab
nation, including the vanguard militant Iraq. God is great. The
impossible shall be defeated. Long live the mujahidin.
Brother Arabs: On different occasions, some Arab brothers, both at the
official and popular levels, sent us advice about how we view the Arab
masses and our relationship with them. They specifically told us: You
are being too optimistic about the Arab masses and you attach too much
importance to them. This requires that you--that is, we in Iraq--
reconsider your stand because the Arab masses are either unable or have
been made unable to affect the course of events, developments, and
stands in the Arab homeland and elsewhere. We were told that the Arab
masses are stripped of their will and are too weak to make a change.
This is about what some Arab brothers wanted to advise us. So I wanted
to respond to them, out of my respect for their opinions, and to give a
correct assessment of the Arab masses' conditions, stands, and
ability to make a change and to correct wrong part of those brothers'
advice.
The basic mistake of those brothers was that they thought that our
calls on the Arab masses to be aware of their role and ability to
influence the course of events were based on our efforts to urge the
masses to adopt a stand. Most probably, those brothers thought that we
were are urging the masses to lift the blockade and that we think that
they are able to halt the aggression against us. Based on this
understanding, our urgent calls might appear as ones that concern
specific circumstances.
Our theory, brothers, on the role of the people and their
revolutionary masses, and our comprehensive and long-term strategy,
proceed from our ideology. Our ideology views the people as the end goal
of all our struggle, jihad, and building. They are the objective of all
our hopes in the course of the victorious revolution and its values. The
masses are not just a means or something that we might address on
certain occasions only.
Our relationship with the masses is completely different from what
some brothers believe. We are aware of the requirements of the
legitimate struggle we are calling for, including the awareness of the
historic role of the Arab masses in the battle we are fighting against
the tyrants. As well, we do not deny the masses the right to defend in
whatever way the revolution and its right course, which, as we have
repeatedly said, is their own revolution. The sacrifices made by the
revolution through its march were not for the sake of Iraq only, but
also for the sake of our glorious Arab nation. It has always been a
pan-Arab as well as an Iraqi and human revolution and has proved in
words and deeds that this description is a genuine one. The cherished
blood, which was spilled at tough circumstances, stands as a witness to
this.
Since the revolution is keen to uphold the principles of the nation
and ready to sacrifice for its sake, then the duty of the Arab nation,
both masses and others, is to defend the revolution too, each according
to its capabilities, resources, and conditions. We attach historic
importance to the role of the Arab and other masses. We look at these
masses from a comprehensive point of view, not a temporary, or
fragmented, or circumstantial one. Our view is a principled one, not
based on interests. It is also a continuous view, not intermittent. It
is unwavering and deep-rooted, not whimsical. This view remains
unchanged, whether the Arab masses manage to rise up to the level of
their role in any issue, or fail to do so and fall short of working
effectively in a manner commensurate with their genuine capabilities.
Rather, we adhere more firmly to our role and pan-Arab and moral
responsibility toward our nation and people when it is suffering some
weakness. We also rejoice when we manage to upgrade their awareness.
However, our principled and ethical commitment to our nation will remain
unwavering and our hope and pride in our nation will not budge.
Our nation is not a cradle of civilizations and one with a human role
only, it is also a nation of prophets and messengers who were sent in
its territory. God selected our nation as a cradle and a historical
depth for the prophets' role and an arena for their struggle and Jihad.
Therefore, any negative description that is attributed to the Arab
nation is not the responsibility of our nation, which is a historical
structure and force capable of playing its role when mobilizing its
capacities. Rather such a description is attributed to others who might
be among the ranks of the nation, but in fact they are not part of its
historical fabric.
He who negatively describes the nation -- be he a journalist, a
writer, or an author -- must, before condemning or saying bad things
about the masses and his nation -- ask himself what he offered as a
ranking member of this nation. If his answer was that he was concerned
about his living sustenance and status and thus could not offer more, he
-- and not the nation or the people - must shoulder the responsibility.
Only high-ranking persons bear the responsibility for any disorder or
weakness plaguing the nation or the people. To make the picture clearer,
I have the following question: Is it right for the officers who lost a
battle to blame the soldiers for the defeat? I mean the officers who led
and gave their orders to the soldiers and were proud of their ranks and
privileges under all the conditions preceding the defeat. Whoever
assumes a high-ranking position should bear the responsibility for any
weakness within the ranks before blaming the masses. This applies to
those holding ideas contrary to ours; be they rulers, writers,
journalists, authors, or professors.
We are dealing with our people and nation as a historic entity and
capability. We are expecting them in the presence of other factors to
play a great role and do great actions. We must describe their
revolutionary role and its requirements and our crucial role in this
regard. We are dealing with our people and nation based on an accurately
humane, revolutionary description of our responsibility toward them and
on the basis of joint action and reciprocal influence, rather than on
isolation and capitulation.
We are part of the nation and people; we play together our national
and pan-Arab role toward them and humanity. We are not considering our
people and nation as contractors, who would undertake our duty of
accomplishing a certain affair and we wait for them to hand us the key
of the accomplished project. We rather build together and bear the
dangers of building. We equally share happiness and pleasure when the
construction is relatively complete. We together defend our
accomplishment when it is in danger.
We are the residents of a single house. As long as we are leaders in
it, we have the responsibility of acting to bring about understanding,
awareness, and a greater measure of gracious patience and endurance so
that we may set an example that commands respect and appreciation and so
that the principles we are upholding and our sincerity in upholding them
may be realized by others. It is certain that we will emerge victorious
thanks to them and to the leadership of all prominent officials of our
nation, be they rulers, sincere leaders, intellectuals, or enlightened
women and men who are making sacrifices, waging jihad, and demonstrating
patience within the ranks of the people and nation; be they military
personnel or civilians; judges; university professors; artists;
journalists; writers, senior engineers; or other officials. The nation's
young boys and girls will be the sweeping and enlightened momentum in
all this. We are planting palm trees, orange trees, and oak trees, not
oats and barley. Consequently, our patience will, God willing,
be without limits. We will only experience that which is ordained by
God. Our Lord! In thee do we trust, and to thee do we return in
repentance. Glory be to Him.
O brothers who are wondering: This was our commitment and thinking
and our outlook about things at the start line. However, the experience
of more than 30 years exudes with the values of construction and
determination to fight injustice, the unjust, tyranny, and tyrants.
While leading the great Iraqi people within the responsible collective
Ba'thist leadership, we have learned scientific, practical, and social
lessons about the people and their role and the nation's vitality, which
can serve as a base and a practical, spiritual, and moral support
grounded in the humane values we share with our nation and people that
aim to achieve the same goal.
Just like you, we know that the nation and people may skip or fail to
play certain roles. But, they cannot skip or fail to play their roles or
be defeated all the time. Likewise, they cannot skip, fail to play their
roles, show laziness, or flee if they enjoy a genuine and appropriate
leadership in terms of mind, conscience, thought, sword, and other
prerequisites needed for them to perform their tasks. The nation and
people neither flee nor skip their roles unless their leaders flee,
demonstrate laziness, or commit treason.
Hence, the people and nation cannot be blamed for any shortcoming,
even when they skip a role that should have pushed them forward, unless
key leaders make mistakes. The leaders whose scrupulous, ethical, and
practical qualifications are reasonable are never failed by the people.
The people have never left such leaders alone in the cold. They have
always assisted such leaders in the quest for construction and
demonstrated unmatched resolve.
We have not seen or heard about any leaders who met the minimum
reasonable level of principled, moral, and practical conditions of
leadership and yet were deserted by their people as they determinedly
work to build their countries. We have not seen or heard about a leader
who met the minimum level of leadership conditions, acted well, and
unsheathed his sword without all those around him joining him in
unsheathing their swords to confront the greedy ones, tyrants,
occupiers, or oppressors.
But people or nations cannot be blamed if they shirk their role in
the construction process when they see that their leaders do not call
for construction unless their pockets or bank accounts go down so that
they would be refilled under the pretext of construction. Then, calls
for construction would be nothing but a hoax. People, nations, masses,
and armies should not be blamed if the so-called leaders preoccupy
themselves with matters that do not concern the masses and betray them
with foreigners, at a time when their statements against ill-intentioned
foreigners are nothing but a false cover.
The masses, just like any human being, do not work without food. The
basic food they need in order to support the ruler or leader is their
unmistakable feeling that the leader or ruler has dedicated his life for
them and for their glory, dignity, and prosperity. Then, the masses
would forgive and tolerate any mistakes that do not involve
capitulation, treason, or premeditated ill intentions. One of the most
important historic duties of the nation and people is either to support
and respect their leaders or to rightly speak out against any deviation.
Unless the leader backs down, then they would have no choice but to
mount a revolution to bring a better leader so that the masses'
aspirations would not be buried and their historic movement forward
would not be obstructed.
When we address the masses, the Arab masses in particular, this is not
because we consider them the practical alternative to any Arab leader
who performs his pan-Arab duty, even if the pan-Arab duty is not
fully performed. Rather, this is because we view the masses as a support
and a great national asset, including some Arab leaders to whom we have
just referred.
The ruler, any ruler, will eventually cease to exist. The nation and
the people, however, are two historic powers that cannot disappear even
if the sun went down on them. The sun will rise with the people's help
and the full moon will continue to turn up on its scheduled time. Those
who do not disappear are the nation and the people. They alone have
actions, stands, and noble principles that represent the essence of the
nation's live conscience and its intelligence. Among those who can no
longer be seen or touched, the masses who are no longer tangible, even
if they are alive, are those who accidentally assume distinguished
responsibilities, but are unaware and unappreciative of this
responsibility. They are not the safe-keepers of this responsibility,
nor its honor. They are, by this description, merely corpses who are
still alive. God is great.
You brave Iraqi people. You are to your leadership what the pupil is
to the eye. You are the source of the enemy's hardship. You are the
source of good health to Iraq. Your are the source of the Iraqi arrows
that are directed at the enemies of God and humanity. You glorious
country. Our source of defense and glorious meanings. When the front
line is gloomy and we sacrifice all that is precious and priceless, and
when the noble soul recalls its glorious meanings.
Hail to the scent of Iraq and the aroma of its trenches. May God's
peace, mercy, and prayers be upon you. Your presence has been favorable
because of the meanings of the example you set in all the sections of
this address, such as our discussion of the Arabs, because you together,
you are the sons of the one nation. Also, because you have learnt to
read signals and to read eyes to know what should and should not be done
and what is appropriate or not after a long relationship and taking
stands. We do not delay or postpone any action or speech that is of
importance to do and say it only on important occasions. There is an
appropriate time to do everything, only with God's wish. We did not find
it necessary, nor did we want to burden you with a lengthy speech, in
which we repeat things we said before or things we did or intend to do.
We relied on God during the past year, now we are approaching a new
year. We hope it will be a happy and prosperous year for our people.
I conclude by saluting you and by saluting the revolutionaries, your
great steadfastness, and your ingenuity, through which you set in this
age an example in life, the first of its kind in Arab history.
We rely on God, thus, we have great confidence in God's ability to
make you clearly victorious and that your victory be witnessed and be
without any dark shadows. With God's will, you will always emerge
triumphant. I ask Almighty God to increase your prosperity, glory, good
health, and strength. May God grant you more faith and patience. May God
grant you pleasure with all that is delightful and comforting.
Long live our glorious Arab nation. Long live Iraq. Long live Palestine,
free Arab. God is great. God is great. Accursed be the lowly ones.
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