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U.S. Department of State

Daily Press Briefing

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QUESTION: Just to clear away one thing - there was an attempt on the life of a deputy to the Iraqi President. I wonder if the State Department could shed any light on it.

MR. RUBIN: We've heard these same reports, but we do not have independent confirmation of the assassination attempt. We would note that the town of Karbala has, in the past, been an area of militant Shiite opposition to Saddam's regime.

With respect to our efforts, of course, I would remind you that our opposition plan is aimed at building and helping to build an effective democratic political opposition.

QUESTION: As opposed to?

MR. RUBIN: As opposed to this kind of thing.

QUESTION: I don't know if you've had a chance to see Cohen's comments --

MR. RUBIN: I agree with them.

QUESTION: Basically, I don't know - I haven't heard it at least - he said that you all were evaluating the opposition, trying to, sort of, sift through and figure out which ones are committed to democracy, which ones you can work with. I sort of had the impression you were embracing all of them as a group. Perhaps you could expound on that a little bit.

MR. RUBIN: I just got off the phone with Assistant Secretary Indyk, who is in London, and he is going to be meeting with a group of opposition figures from both the INC and other groups. Obviously, we are stepping up our activity with the Iraqi opposition, and we want to, in Assistant Secretary Indyk's case, to take advantage of the fact that he was in London, where many of the opposition leaders are based.

We are listening to their views, encouraging them to work towards greater unity and effectiveness. We do believe the opposition can develop into a credible alternative to the present government in Iraq. We are speaking to a variety of opposition groups in an effort to build a strong and effective opposition.

With respect to the identification issue, where that comes into play is with respect to the Iraq Liberation Act which is something that we would be implementing the requirement that a list of groups eligible be identified. The eligibility criteria include support for the territorial integrity of Iraq and support for basic democratic and human rights.

QUESTION: Why do you think that the opposition can develop a credible alternative in Iraq?

MR. RUBIN: Can develop into a credible alternative.

QUESTION: Right, I mean, it has - you tried in the past and it hasn't in the past; so why do you think you can do it now? Why do you think they can do it now?

MR. RUBIN: We think that with time and a step-by-step approach and with the obvious fact that Saddam Hussein's regime has been one of the most brutal exercises in modern history in that part of the world, that there are very good reasons that the people of Iraq would want to look towards a democratic alternative.

Obviously this is a difficult enterprise, and nobody has suggested that this is something that is going to happen overnight. But we do believe that we should and will be supportive of those who are coalescing, we hope, into a more effective opposition that can present a credible alternative. We'll have to see how well they do, but we think it's appropriate for us to provide diplomatic assistance in the ways that we've been doing and financial assistance, depending on specific requirements. That's what we're doing.

QUESTION: Jamie, on the issue of inspections and all, could you just step back a minute and try to, if you will, evaluate what the US policy seems to be. I mean, I know you want the documents, but the Secretary and other folks are no longer speaking in crisis rhetoric. Is this - are you in sort of a waiting game now, trying to see how much Saddam Hussein complies with the various criteria?

MR. RUBIN: Well, cooperation requires a broad spectrum of activities. It includes documents, as I said yesterday; it includes allowing the inspectors to go where they need to go. In that regard, I think it's fair to point out that according to UNSCOM, the monitoring teams continued their activities for the seventh straight day and have not reported any problems with the work of the monitoring teams.

On the document side, let me say quite clearly that the response from the Iraqis demonstrates an Iraqi desire to dodge their obligations rather than comply with their obligations. The familiar tactic is used of shifting the blame, changing the subject, primarily by impugning the professionalism of UNSCOM and Chairman Butler.

The focus is on Iraqi compliance, not on their assertions about Ambassador Butler. So cooperation with UNSCOM is a multi-faceted exercise, which includes access. It includes documents; it includes interviews; it includes answering questions when the UNSCOM inspectors have them. We are monitoring this very closely. We're going to remain vigilant about this, and we are going to judge it day by day, based on what is happening on the ground in Iraq and in the Security Council and in the exchanges between the Iraqis and UN officials.

We have no illusions about this regime. We approach this problem with a high degree of skepticism about their intentions. What we want to see is cooperation, and we're going to be monitoring this very closely.

QUESTION: So this is not a crisis at this point?

MR. RUBIN: We don't normally use those words; normally those are words that you all use. I understand that, and what I am saying is that there's always a crisis in Iraq's refusal to comply with Security Council resolutions. That has been an ongoing crisis that has caused great, great harm to the people of Iraq; because had Iraq complied with Security Council resolutions long ago, the people of Iraq would not be suffering so greatly.

So for the people of Iraq, every day that Saddam Hussein fails to comply with Security Council resolutions is a crisis.

QUESTION: Jamie, does not reacting immediately to an act of non-cooperation - not immediately bombing - what does that do for you diplomatically, if anything?

MR. RUBIN: Again, we are taking this day by day. We are examining the Iraqi actions, judging them by what they're doing and working with our friends and allies in the Security Council. But many of these judgments, as I said yesterday, are professional technical judgments that can be best made by the professional technical experts. Based on our read of the round of discussions between UNSCOM and Iraq, it's our view that Iraq is seeking to dodge its responsibilities rather than comply with them and seems to forget that it is mandatory that Iraq comply with Security Council resolutions and, therefore, with the requirements of UNSCOM.

As far as diplomacy is concerned, every day on Iraq is a day of diplomacy. It involves meetings in the Security Council, it involves discussions. The Secretary has had some with foreign ministers in recent days. I don't have a list for you, but I know she's done so. So every day diplomacy is necessary to maintain international vigilance on this subject; because let's remember, many years ago people doubted that we could work to retain the vigilance that would have, had we not retained it, seen Iraq get out from under the sanctions regime long ago. So every day is a day of diplomacy in this area.

QUESTION: Iraq has changed the representatives or is changing the representatives to the United Nations; and apparently there are more changes going on in Iraq. Do you have anything about this?

MR. RUBIN: I've seen reports of that; I really don't have any comment. All I can say is I feel sorry for those who have to defend such a sorry case.

QUESTION: Do you think they should go home?

MR. RUBIN: It's really - I have no comment on that more specifically.

QUESTION: Has he requested any sort of permission to stay on in the states - asylum?

MR. RUBIN: I haven't heard anything about that.

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(The briefing concluded at 1:10 P.M.)

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