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06 February 1998

TRANSCRIPT: CLINTON-BLAIR WHITE HOUSE PRESS CONFERENCE FEB. 6

(Clinton says he and Blair "stand together" on Iraq)  (7550)
Washington -- President Clinton says that he and British Prime
Minister Tony Blair "stand together" in their determination to prevent
Saddam Hussein "from threatening his neighbors and the world with
weapons of mass destruction."
At a joint press conference with Blair in the East Room of the White
House February 6, Clinton said both he and the Prime Minister "would
prefer a genuine diplomatic solution" to the current crisis over Iraq.
"The best way to stop Saddam from developing an arsenal of nuclear,
chemical, and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them,"
said Clinton, "is to get the inspectors back to work with full and
free access to all relevant sites.
"But", he continued, "if Saddam does not comply with the unanimous
will of the international community, we must be prepared to act -- and
we are."
Blair echoed Clinton's determination, reporting that the United
Kingdom has decided to base eight Tornado ground attack and
reconnaissance aircraft in Kuwait.
In response to a question, Clinton said he would hope that any
military action against Iraq would "substantially reduce or delay
Saddam Hussein's capacities to develop weapons of mass destruction and
deliver them on his neighbors."
However, the President said, "I don't believe we need to refight the
Gulf War." Neither does he believe "we need to get into a direct war
with Iraq over the leadership of the country. Do I think the country
would be better served if it had a different leader? Of course I do.
That's not the issue."
Other foreign policy matters discussed by the two leaders included the
Middle East peace process, the peace effort in Northern Ireland, the
Asian financial crisis, the fatal accident in Italy involving a U.S.
warplane, NATO enlargement, efforts to bring to justice the Libyans
accused of the Pan Am 103 bombing, and Turkey's relations with the
European Union.
Following is the White House transcript:
(For more information on the Iraq crisis, contact the USIA website at:
http://www.usia.gov/regional/nea/gulfsec/iraqpage/htm)
(begin transcript)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
February 6, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AND PRIME MINISTER TONY BLAIR OF GREAT
BRITAIN
IN PRESS CONFERENCE
The East Room
THE PRESIDENT: First, let me say that it's been a real pleasure to
welcome my friend Prime Minister Blair here to Washington with the
entire British entourage. It continues a great tradition of
partnership between our nations, anchored by common values, driven by
common vision, eager to meet the challenges of this new age.
Today we'll pay tribute to that heritage to the FDR Memorial. Earlier
in this century President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill led
the community of free nations that prevailed in world war. Now, on the
eve of the 21st century, the Prime Minister and I seek to shape the
peace in a world that is rich with possibility and promise but still
not free from risk.
We have a very similar outlook on preparing our own countries for the
future. And if I might just take a moment to talk about the latest
economic news, the strategy we are both working is to prepare all our
people for the information age and the global economy. Today, we have
new evidence that that strategy is working here. In the last month,
America had 358,000 new jobs -- over 1 million in the last three
months. We are approaching 15 million new jobs in the last five years
with the lowest unemployment in 24 years. Wages are rising, inflation
is low. The role of government has changed. We have the smallest
percentage of these new jobs in the public sector, and the highest
percentage in the private sector in the United States since the 1920s.
By maintaining fiscal discipline, opening more markets, investing more
in our people, we will continue to expand opportunity and promote
prosperity. We also share a common view of the changes that are
occurring in the world and a belief in the importance of working
together to harness them to the benefit of our people. We've reviewed
our progress in building an undivided Europe; welcoming Hungary, the
Czech Republic, and Poland in the NATO; forging strong relations with
the new democracies there, including Russia and Ukraine; helping the
parties in Bosnia to fulfill the requirements of the Dayton Peace
accord.
Both our nations agree we should take part in a follow-on security
presence when the SFOR mission ends in Bosnia in June. We reaffirmed
our determination to combat modern cross-border threats like terrorism
and the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
On Iraq, we stand together. Saddam Hussein must know that we are
determined to prevent him from threatening his neighbors and the world
with weapons of mass destruction. The Prime Minister and I would both
prefer a genuine diplomatic solution.
The best way to stop Saddam from developing an arsenal of nuclear,
chemical, and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them is
to get the inspectors back to work with full and free access to all
relevant sites. But let me be clear: if Saddam does not comply with
the unanimous will of the international community, we must be prepared
to act -- and we are.
On Libya, ten years later, we haven't forgotten the victims of the
bombing of Pan Am 103 in the skies over Lockerbie, Scotland, or their
loved ones. We will not rest until Libya complies with the
requirements of the world community and surrenders for trial in the
United States or Scotland the two Libyans accused of that brutal
crime.
We addressed our commitment to advance the cause of peace, and I
welcome Britain's efforts as president of the European Union to spur
greater cooperation in the Middle East peace process.
I also commend the Prime Minister for his courageous steps in
cooperation with the Irish Government to promote a climate of
confidence and hope in Northern Ireland. The multiparty talks provide
the best chance for a real solution to that conflict. I urge all the
parties to show the vision and the forbearance and the determination
to succeed. I unequivocally condemn the recent sectarian killings and
beatings and threats. Nothing worth having in Northern Ireland can be
accomplished through violence. I told the Prime Minister that we will
continue to do all we can to advance the cause of peace and, of
course, I asked for and received his advice in that regard.
The recent financial crisis in Asia demands action form the
international community. On our increasingly interconnected planet,
trouble in the far end of town can easily become a plague in our own
neighborhood. We agree that every affected nation must take
responsibility for implementing tough reforms and that other nations,
when they do that, when those nations that are affected do their part,
other nations should support helping them through the International
Monetary Fund.
We also looked at ways that we could work together to benefit our
people at home. As President of both the European Union and the G-7,
the United Kingdom will host two important summits in Birmingham this
May. The Prime Minister has told me he wants these summits to take
action that really will make a difference in our people's daily lives,
that lift their horizons and their dreams, stepping up our efforts to
combat drug traffickers, and helping every child to grow up in a safe
community.
Shielding our planet from the threat of global warming and bringing
our people the benefits of a growing economy and a clean environment
are important to us as well. It's also important that we give our
people the tools to make the most of their lives through world-class
education and training; help people to move from welfare to work --
and I applaud the efforts that the Prime Minister is making on that;
give them access to the wonders of the Information Age -- that's
something we talked about yesterday at the Montgomery Blair High
School in Maryland; and dealing with the question of how to provide
greater security in the retirement years when the baby room generation
retires.
We finally know that our two nations must continue to work and to lead
the world for security, prosperity, and peace. In 1942, in the midst
of the Second World War, President Roosevelt sent a message to Mr.
Churchill that said as follows: "When victory comes, we shall stand
shoulder to shoulder in seeking to nourish the great ideals for which
we fight." Today, on the verge of a new century and a new millennium,
that prediction has proved right. America is proud to stand with the
United Kingdom and with Europe and to work with its leader, Prime
Minister Tony Blair, to build an even brighter future.
Thank you Mr Prime Minister.  The floor is yours.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Thank you, Mr. President. And can I begin by
saying how grateful we have been for such a wonderful and warm welcome
here in the United States of America.
As the President has just indicated, we discussed obviously a range of
different topics. At top of the list, of course, was the situation in
respect to Iraq. And what we agreed was that we had to do three things
in particular. We have first of all to make sure that our own public
opinion was properly educated as to why it's so essential that the
U.N. inspectors are able to do their work. The amount of weapons that
they have already uncovered in the six or seven years that they have
been doing this task, and why it is therefore absolutely essential
that Saddam Hussein is brought back into line with U.N. Security
Council resolutions and the inspectors can go about their tasks
unhindered.
We ourselves, a couple of days ago, in Britain, published a document
where we listed precisely all the various weapon finds the inspectors
have made. And when you go through that list and see all the various
attempts there have been to try and prevent the inspectors carrying
out their functions, then I think people can understand why it is so
necessary, so important for us, to be prepared to take whatever action
is necessary to ensure those inspectors can go back in and fulfill
their tasks.
Secondly, though, in relation to Iraq, it is important that we stress
all the time, of course we want a diplomatic solution, but it must be
a diplomatic solution based on and fully consistent with the
principles that we have set out. The question of whether there is such
a diplomatic solution rests ultimately with Saddam Hussein. He has the
choice. He can bring himself back into compliance with the agreements
he entered into, and then that diplomatic solution can be fulfilled.
Thirdly, however, we have of course to prepare in case diplomacy
cannot work. In view of the situation, we in Britain have been looking
at our own military readiness in case a diplomatic solution does not
in the end prove possible. We have decided to base eight Tornado GR-1
aircraft in Kuwait, with the full agreement of the government of
Kuwait. These are ground attack and reconnaissance aircraft. Their
deployment is a precautionary measure, and it will take place over the
next few days.
So all the way through, in respect to Iraq, we've agreed that we must
educate, we must engage in diplomacy, but we also must prepare.
In respect of Ireland, I want to place on record yet again my thanks
to the President for all the support he has given us in searching for
a lasting and peaceful political settlement in Ireland. As I've found
when I've addressed many members of Congress, the Senate here in
Washington, there is tremendous interest in the United States of
America in this process, and there is a great much-appreciated
willingness on your part to have that process succeed.
It isn't going to be easy; these things never are. But we do believe
that we have the best chance that we've had for many generations to
secure peace. And I wanted to emphasize yet again to you our total and
complete determination and commitment to find a peaceful way through.
With goodwill and with proper cooperation and with some trust on all
sides, I think it is possible.
And I thank the President for his condemnation of those sectarian
killings that have so disfigured the process over the past few weeks.
And I say yet again, what we must ensure is that those random, brutal,
unjustified acts of violence perpetrated by a small minority must not
in the end frustrate the wishes of the overwhelming majority of people
in Northern Ireland to secure a peaceful and stable future for
themselves.
We discussed, of course, the Middle East peace process and Bosnia and
our commitment there. We discussed, as the President has mentioned a
moment ago, the global economy, the Asian crisis, and what measures we
should take in order to ensure that such crises are mitigated and do
not happen again.
We also laid out for the President and his colleagues our strategy as
President of the European Union, our commitment to ensure that
monetary union is successfully launched, our commitment to the
enlargement process bringing into the European Union those countries
in Eastern Europe and elsewhere.
And we discussed as well, and agreed, that it was important that
Europe strengthen its relationship with Turkey and that we build a
strong relationship with Turkey -- between Turkey and the European
Union for the future.
As good and interesting as anything else has been also the possibility
of exchanging ideas -- ideas about how government meets the economic
and social and political challenges of the future. As I said in my
speech this morning at the breakfast hosted by the Vice President,
there is a new Britain being shaped today. It is a Britain of
confidence, dynamism; it is a Britain that is proud of its past, but
is not living in it, and is shaping a future of which we can be proud
also. And I think in exchanging ideas and in seeing how much there are
common themes and common ideas for government between us, we can gain
strength in Britain and the United States from that partnership and
relationship.
Finally, I would like to say personally how tremendously grateful I've
been, as I say, not merely for the warmth of the welcome extended to
us here, but for the great comradeship and partnership between the
United States of America and Great Britain that I know will strengthen
and strengthen evermore in the future.
Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Now, here's what we're going to do. We're
going to alternate; so I'll call on an American journalist, the Prime
Minister will call on a British journalist. Of course you're free to
ask whomever whatever you please. Helen.
Q: Mr. President, despite the ongoing investigation, you've felt no
constraint in saying what your relationship with Monica Lewinsky is
not, was not. So it seems by logic that you ought to be able to say
here and now what was your relationship? Her lawyer says -- called it
"colleagues"; is that an apt description?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me first of all say, once again, I never
asked anybody to do anything but tell the truth. I know about the
stories today. I was pleased that Ms. Currie's lawyers stated
unambiguously this morning -- unambiguously -- that she's not aware of
any unethical conduct.
But this investigation is going on, and you know what the rules for it
are. And I just think as long as it is going on, I should not comment
on a specific question, because there's one, then there's another,
then there's another. It's better to let the investigation go on and
have me do my job and focus on my public responsibilities, and let
this thing play out its course. That's what I think I should do, and
that's what I intend to do.
Q:  Why leave people in the dark?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I am honoring the rules of the investigation. And
if someone else is leaking unlawfully out of the grand jury
proceeding, that is a different story. I am going to do -- I have told
the American people what I think is essential for them to know about
this and what I believe they want to know. What I'm doing is going on
with my work and cooperating with the investigation. And I do not
believe I should answer specific questions. I don't think that's the
right thing to do now.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR:  Michael?
Q: Is it not time, though, to drop the pretense that this is simply
business as usual? Have we not seen with the allegations that
surrounded the British Foreign Secretary but to a much greater degree
yourself, Mr. President, that this does affect the conduct of public
business. And far from dodging the point, as you did, Prime Minister,
yesterday, when you were asked about the private lives of public
figures, should you not both be saying that the public have the right
to expect the very highest standard in the private lives of public
politicians?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, Michael, I hope we do that but what I
would say to you is that what is essential is that we focus on the
issues that we were elected to focus upon. And in the discussions that
we have had over this past two days, we've been focusing on issues
like Iraq, where we are considering if diplomatic solutions fail
taking military action. We've been focusing on the peace process in
Northern Ireland that gives the chance for the first time in
generations, after centuries of conflict, for people to find a way
through. We've been focusing on the problems of the world economy,
that if they're not tackled could have a serious impact on the living
standards of people here and people in Britain, as well as people out
in Asia.
These are the important questions -- for me, schools, hospitals,
crime, living standards, jobs that people want us to focus upon. And I
believe that it is absolutely essential that we stay focused upon
those things, and that we deliver for our people what we were elected
to deliver. Now, that is what I intend to do and I think that that is,
in the end, what the British people would expect me to do.
THE PRESIDENT:  Terry.
Q: Mr. President, switching to Iraq, the Prime Minister said that you
had to educate the public about Iraq. But I think the American public
is largely in the dark about what to expect about a military attack on
Iraq. Are you talking about something that lasts a day or two, or
something that lasts for weeks or months? And on a diplomatic note,
you've got France and China and Russia opposing this. Boris Yeltsin
says that it could lead to World War III. What gives Britain and the
United States the right to go it alone on this?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you asked about five questions there in one. Let
me try to unpack it. First of all, the most important thing, the best
thing that could be done, what we hope will happen, is that there will
be a diplomatic solution to this which will result in the inspection
teams from the United Nations being able to return and have unfettered
access to the appropriate sites, because -- the Prime Minister I think
put out a paper just a couple of days ago pointing out the incredible
work that's been done by the inspection teams. That's the best thing.
Now, whether there is a diplomatic solution or not is entirely up to
Saddam Hussein. If he decides that he wants to continue to have the
freedom to rebuild his weapons program, then I believe that the clear
mandate for the world community, based on not only the resolutions of
the United Nations, but the danger this would present to the interest
and values of the United States, the people of Great Britain, the
people of the region, is to do what we can to weaken his ability to
develop those weapons of mass destruction and visit them on his
neighbors.
You know I never discuss operational plans; I wouldn't do that. I
think the important thing is that you know that I don't want this;
nobody wants this. We want a diplomatic solution. It's up to him.
The second thing I would say is, the Secretary of State has been
working very hard in the last several days, has traveled, as you know,
widely. I have been on the phone a lot. I believe there is more
agreement than at first it appears about the necessity to push this
thing through to the end.
And I will continue to talk with President Yeltsin and President
Chirac and others, but consider the alternative. After all, this man
is the only repeat offender around with chemical weapons. He used them
on his own people. He used them on the Iranians. And I believe it's a
very serious thing. And I think that the American people will
understand that.
Q:  World war, as President Yeltsin said?
THE PRESIDENT: I don't understand what scene of circumstances would
lead to that development. I don't believe that will happen.
Q: On Iraq, you said we need to educate, Prime Minister. It isn't
entirely clear what the objective military action would be. Is it
intended as a punishment for Saddam Hussein? Is it intended as a
substitute for the work of the weapons inspectors to strike? Or would
it continue until Saddam said, all right, I'll let them in. And also
you've announced the deployment of some aircraft. Is there any
intention to deploy ground troops at all, British ground troops?
THE PRIME MINISTER: No, the deployment that we have made is the
deployment that I have described of the aircraft. And in respect to
the objectives, well, the objectives are very clear. That is to ensure
either that the weapons inspectors can come in and finish their task,
or that the capability that Saddam Hussein undoubtedly has and wants
to develop for weapons of mass destruction is taken out. And it is
absolutely essential that what we do is focus upon the best way
possible that we can do that.
Now, obviously, as the President was saying a moment or two ago, it is
not sensible or serious to start discussing the details of the
military options available to us. But the purpose of this the whole
way through, the reason we are in this situation, is because he has
been developing weapons of mass destruction. The only barrier to that
has been the inspectors. If the inspectors are prevented from doing
their work, then we have to make sure by the military means of which
we are capable that, insofar as possible, that capacity ceases. And
that is the objective. And it's an objective that I think is fully in
line, as I say, with the original agreements under which Saddam
Hussein undertook.
Remember, he agreed -- he undertook to destroy any weapons of mass
destruction capability, whether nuclear, chemical, or biological. Now,
he's in breach of that. We've got to make sure he complies one way or
another with it.
Q: Mr. President, just to go back to the controversy that's been
surrounding you lately. There have been various reports that in some
ways have come to be accepted as fact. And I just want to give you an
opportunity. One of them is that in sworn testimony to the lawyers for
Paula Jones, that you changed your version of your relationship with
Gennifer Flowers. And I just wondered if you can tell us. I mean -
THE PRESIDENT: Let me just say this, again, even though the judge's
order has been routinely violated by the other side in the case, the
judge has issued strict orders in the case that covers everybody,
including me, not to discuss it. I can tell you this, and I'm
confident as this thing plays out it will become more apparent in the
future, if you go back -- I told the truth in my deposition, with
regard to that issue, and I also did in 1992 when I did the interview,
which I think was rerun the other night -- the interview that Hillary
and I did on 60 Minutes.
You just have to know that, and I think it will become apparent as
this case plays itself out that I did in fact do that, but I am not
going to discuss that. The judge has given us strict orders not to
discuss anything related to that case. The other side has violated it
on a regular basis. I don't intend to do that; I'm just not going to
do it.
Q: Prime Minister, Mr. President, is it possible for you to launch an
attack if you don't have on board the French, the Russians, the
Chinese?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I think, John, you have to distinguish very
carefully between what of course are, I accept, varying degrees of
enthusiasm or commitment for the military option, with the complete
unanimity there is in the world community that Saddam Hussein has to
comply with the resolutions, and that his capacity to develop weapons
of mass destruction must be halted.
Now, it is difficult for us to see -- and for me to see, quite frankly
-- that if you take that as the position, how diplomacy, unless it is
backed up at least by the threat of force, is ever going to work and
succeed. But it would be wrong, I think, to think that either, for
example, our French or our Russian colleagues were not absolutely
insistent that Saddam Hussein comply with these resolutions, and they
are making diplomatic efforts in order to ensure that that happens. I
wish those efforts well, provided they are fully consistent with the
principles that have been set out.
It is just that we take the view -- and I think experience teaches us
that this is the only realistic view of Saddam Hussein -- that unless
you back up whatever diplomatic initiatives you're taking with saying
quite clearly, well, if diplomacy doesn't work, the option of force is
there, then those diplomatic initiatives are unlikely to succeed. But
it's important that we realize that it is in that area that any
difference lies, not in the insistence of the world community that he
must come into line with those U.N. resolutions.
Q: Mr. President, your spokesman this morning described to us, in his
words, a very dangerous environment following these alleged leaks.
What's your own assessment of the legal atmosphere? And we understand
that your attorneys are planning to take some action about this. What
action do they intend to take?
THE PRESIDENT: I think you should talk to them. I don't want to
comment on what they're going to do. They're fully capable of speaking
for themselves and for me in this case.
Q:  And your comment, sir, on the effect of the leaks?
THE PRESIDENT: I don't have anything to add to what has already been
said about that.
Q: Can I ask the Prime Minister, you could have come here and simply
talked about serious politics, but some people are being struck by the
warmth of the personal statements of support that you've given to the
President. Could I ask, have you ever considered that that might be a
politically risky strategy? And could I ask the President, have you
appreciated those comments from M. Blair?
THE PRIME MINISTER: To be quite honest with you, I've said it because
I believed it and because I think it is the right thing to do. And
I've worked with President Clinton now for some nine months as British
Prime Minister. I have found him throughout someone I could trust,
someone I could rely upon, someone I am proud to call not just a
colleague, but a friend. And in the end, you either decide in politics
when you're asked about people, you're going to say how you actually
feel or you're going to make a whole series of calculations. And my
belief is that the right thing to say is what you feel.
And I happen to think, whether this is my place to say it or not, that
if you look at the American economy, if you look at the respect with
which America is held right around the world today, if you look at the
standing and authority of the President, it's a pretty impressive
record for anyone.
THE PRESIDENT: You ask do I appreciate it? No, I --. He should have
come here and jumped all over me.
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR:  Do you want me to come back in now?
THE PRESIDENT: Of course I do. But, you know, I think its also a
testament about -- there's been a lot of people bandy about the word
"character" in sometimes loose and uncertain contexts. I think, the
people who stand up and say things that they believe when it would be
just as easy to walk away show a certain kind of character that I
think is essential in a public leader. And I'm very gratified that
Tony Blair has done that -- not only for personal reasons, but because
I think it will strengthen his authority as a world leader.
Yes, go ahead.  Mike?
Q: Mr. President, all these questions about your personal life have to
be painful for you and your family. At what point do you consider that
it's just not worth it and do you consider resigning from office?
THE PRESIDENT: Never. You know, I was elected to do a job. I think the
American people know two or three things about me now that they didn't
know the first time this kind of effort was made against me. I think
they know that I care very much about them, that I care about ordinary
people whose voices aren't often heard here. And I think they know I
have worked very, very hard for them. And I think they know now, more
often than not, the ideas I had and the things I fought for turned out
to be right in terms of the consequences for the American people. I
think they know all that.
And I'm just going to keep showing up for work. I'm going to do what I
was hired to do. And I'm going to try to keep getting good results for
them. The pain threshold, at least for our side, being in public life
today has been raised. But to give into that would be to give into
everything that I've fought against and what got me into this race in
1991, to try to run for President in the first place.
I have tried to bring an end to this sort of thing in our public life.
I've tried to bring the American people together. I've tried to
depersonalize politics and take the venom out of it. And the harder
I've tried to do it, the harder others have pulled in the other
direction. That doesn't mean I'm wrong. And I would never walk away
from the people of this country and the trust they've placed in me.
Q: This morning you said that the UK faced two painful years. Could
you expand on what you meant by that?
THE PRIME MINISTER: Yes. As I was saying to people this morning, I
mean, there are some very tough decisions that we have had to take in
order to deal both with the structural budget deficit with the
inflation that was back in the system that we inherited when we came
to power, and with an educational and welfare system that, frankly, is
just nowhere near where it needs to be for the 21st century. And
making those changes is going to be tough.
Welfare reform isn't going to be easy. It will be unpopular in certain
quarters. Taking the measures to cure the budget deficit has been hard
when people want more money spent or more public services. And we're
saying, look, we can't go on. We'd have a higher level -- debt levels
and borrowing; we've got to act. So we've taken the action on interest
rates and given the Bank of England independence. We've cut the
structural deficit. A balanced budget is something we'll be able to
talk about on the other side of the water as well, in a few years'
time.
We're putting through a massive program of reform on education and
welfare. But it will be tough, and it will take us some time to get it
through. But as I said this morning, I am an unashamed long-termist. I
believe in making sure that the decisions that we take aren't based on
the next day's headlines, but are based on where we really want the
country to be some years down the line.
And particularly when we're facing such enormous global economic
challenges, we can't afford either to lose a grip on monetary or
fiscal prudence or to leave our education and welfare system in the
state they're in. So, yes, it will be tough, but it will be worth it
in the end.
THE PRESIDENT: Let me just make one comment to support something the
Prime Minister just said, when he said he was an unashamed
long-termist. In a funny way, when societies change as fast and as
much as our societies are changing today, when the pace of events and
their variety make it more difficult to predict what will happen next
week or next month, it is even more important to be oriented toward
the long term, because you have to figure that if you lay in a
structure of opportunity for a free people, they'll get it right and
they'll overcome all these unpredictable developments in the
meanwhile. That's why I think the approach that he has taken is so
wise and so right -- not only for Great Britain, but for any other
country as well.
Q: I'm wondering if you could elaborate on something that the First
Lady said recently about a right wing conspiracy who's working against
you. Could you explain how that conspiracy works? And, specifically,
are Linda Tripp, Ken Starr, and Monica Lewinsky part of that
conspiracy?
THE PRESIDENT: Now, you know I've known her a long time, the First
Lady, and she's very smart. And she's hardly ever wrong about
anything. But I don't believe I should amplify on her observation in
this case.
Q:  Do you agree with her?
Q: One of your common shared themes you keep on telling your voters is
this matter of their rights go with responsibilities. Now, you, as
elected leaders, have extraordinary rights and privileges, yet you
seem to be saying that there's no extension of responsibilities as far
as personal integrity is concerned. Is that what you're really saying
-- if you're delivering on the job, the big picture, it doesn't matter
what you get up to in your private life?
THE PRIME MINISTER: No, nobody is saying that you don't have
obligations of personal integrity. Of course that's right. But what we
are trying to say to you is the responsibilities with which we were
asked by our people to discharge, those responsibilities are in the
issues where we can affect them as leaders of the country.
If you go to Britain today and you talk to the British people -- and I
do ask -- it just could be that sometimes you guys in the media are
not in exactly the same place as a lot of public opinion in terms of
the priorities people have. But if you go out there and you talk to
British people and you say, what do you want this new Labour
government to do, they will talk to you about ensuring we don't have
boom and bust, but that we have steadily rising living standards.
They'll talk about job security. They'll talk about the state of their
schools. They'll talk about the national health service. They'll talk
about the welfare system and the crime in their streets. They'll talk
about security in old age.
They will talk about these things and they will care about these
things. And they will expect us to deliver those responsibilities. And
of course it's a great privilege for us to occupy the positions that
we do. But in the end, the judgment that the people make of us is a
judgment based on what we said that we would do and whether we
fulfilled the promises that we made. And that's certainly what we
intend to do.
And I do think also that people understand and want political
leadership that addresses these fundamental questions in a way that
means something to them. When I was at the Montgomery Blair High
School yesterday with the President, and the President got up and
addressed the young men and women and the teachers and staff and the
parents that were there, and started going through the education
program that he was unveiling and had formed part of the State of the
Union address and everything -- some of those things in terms of class
sizes and new technology in the schools were very familiar to the
British contingent here as things that we're tying to do in Britain.
I mean, the enthusiasm and the delight with which those things were
greeted, because those people knew that in the end that's what they
elected their President to do, that's what they elected me to do. And
those are the things that they want from us, and we've got to make
sure, all the time, that we're focusing on that big picture. And, you
know, whatever other issues come along and distract us, in the end,
the judgment of history upon us will be pretty poor if those weren't
the things that when we go to bed at night we're thinking about, those
weren't the things that we're worried about and concerned about
throughout the entirety of our society, because those are the things
which really make a difference to their lives.
Q: Mr. President, Monica Lewinsky's life has been changed forever. Her
family's life has been changed forever. I wonder how you feel about
that and what, if anything, you'd like to say to Monica Lewinsky at
this minute.
THE PRESIDENT: That's good. (Laughter). That's good. But at this
minute, I am going to stick with my position of not commenting.
Q: While relations with -- between Britain and the United States
appear to be splendid right now, there is a darkening cloud over the
relations with Italy. The Prime Minister, the President, the Defense
Minister has issued some very harsh statements about the accident the
other day when a low-flying Marine plane severed a cable and the car
fell. There's a lot of anger. Some people in Italy are even asking for
the closing of the Aviano base. What do you have to say to them?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, what happened was horrible. And
when I heard about it, I was very shaken. As you know, there was a
period of a few hours there where it wasn't clear how many people had
died, and where there was another whole gondola suspended, where many
more people could have died, and thank God they were rescued. The
whole thing has been an agony for the people of Italy -- there were a
substantial number of Germans killed -- and I'm sure for the pilot of
the plane and for the people in our military based in Aviano, where I
have been on more than one occasion.
I can tell you what I think should be done. I called Prime Minister
Prodi, and I told him that I was heartsick about it, that I would make
absolutely sure there was a no-holds-barred full investigation of what
happened, that the Italians would be kept fully informed and be a part
of it, and that we would work with them in every way possible to make
sure that they knew that we tried to get to the bottom of it and to
handle it in the appropriate way.
You know, in our military every year -- I say this to the American
people all the time, but let me just say this. It is an inherently
dangerous business. Now, we don't know what the facts are here; maybe
somebody made a careless mistake. We don't know. I do not know what
the facts are and I will not render judgment until I do. But we lose
about 200 people every year in military service in America on training
exercise or otherwise on duty. And those planes fly very fast. And I
don't know what the description of the mission was. I want to wait
until I see exactly what the facts are. But we -- it is inherently
more dangerous than I think we think from time to time.
Now, I told the Prime Minister of Italy and I'll tell you: I will do
everything I can to find out exactly what happened and take
appropriate action and to satisfy the people of Italy that we have
done the right thing. I understand why they are hurt and heartbroken
and angry. And they are entitled to answers and we'll try to give them
to them.
Go ahead, the gentleman in the back. I promised one more. Last
question, go ahead.
Q: Mr. President, do you believe that air strikes alone are going to
remove the threat of biological, chemical, and nuclear weapons from
Saddam Hussein? Is that a fair thing to expect from military action,
should push come to shove in the Gulf?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, there have been many thoughtful public pieces --
a lot of very thoughtful articles which have been written about the
limits, as well as the possibilities, of any kind of military action.
I think the precise question should be -- that I should have to ask
and answer -- is could any military action, if all else fails,
substantially reduce or delay Saddam Hussein's capacity to develop
weapons of mass destruction and to deliver them on his neighbors. The
answer to that, I am convinced, is yes. I am convinced there is a yes
answer there.
But you have to understand that those are the criteria for me. I've
told you before, I don't believe we need to refight the Gulf War. It's
history, it happened, that's the way it is. I don't believe we need to
get into a direct war with Iraq over the leadership of the country. Do
I think the country would be better served if it had a different
leader? Of course I do. That's not the issue.
The issue is that very sharp question, if the inspection regime is
dead and therefore we cannot continue to make progress on getting the
stuff out of there in the first place -- and then keep in mind there
are two things about this regime. There's the progress on getting the
stuff out of there in the first place, and then there is the
monitoring system, which enables people on a regular basis to go back
to high-probability sites to make sure nothing is happening to rebuild
it.
So if that is dead, is there an option which would permit us to reduce
and/or delay his capacity to bring those weapons up and to deliver
them? I think the answer to that is yes, there is an option that would
permit that.
Q: Prime Minister, as a man who understands the pressures of public
life and also a friend and a religious man, I wonder what words of
advice and support and comfort and sympathy you might have been able
to offer personally to the President during these difficult times when
he's under investigation?
PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: That's what, in the British media, is called a
helpful question. If I can -- I don't presume to give advice at all.
All I think is important, which is what we have managed to do, is to
discuss the issues that we set out and listed for you. And, as I say,
I think we would be pretty much failing in our duty if we weren't to
do that. And I've actually noticed since I've been here and I've
talked to many people here that there is, of course, a huge concern at
the moment at what is happening in Iraq. There's huge interest in
Britain, in the new government, and what we're trying to do in
Northern Ireland. And, you know, I think the best thing is for us to
concentrate upon those issues for the very reasons I've given -- that
that's what we were elected to do, and that's what I intend to do. And
that's what President Clinton is doing, and I think he's quite right.
(end transcript)