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02 December 1997

TEXT: CLINTON LETTER TO LEADERS OF HOUSE AND SENATE

(President reports on Iraq Sept. 23-Nov. 26) (4050)
Washington -- President Clinton advised the Speaker of the House and
the President Pro Tempore of the U.S. Senate in a formal letter of
November 26 that "Consistent with the Authorization for Use of
Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) and as part
of my effort to keep the Congress fully informed, I am reporting on
the status of efforts to obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions
adopted by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)."
The report covers the period from September 23 to the present. The
November 26 letter to the Congress was not released to the public
until late on December 1.
"To rout out Iraq's remaining weapons of mass destruction," Clinton
said, "UNSCOM must be granted full access to all sites, without
exception."
As for new oil-for-food measures, Clinton pointed out that "In April
1995 the Security Council proposed a new oil-for-food offer to Iraq in
UNSCR 986, sponsored by the United States and others. UNSCR 986
authorized the sale of up to $1 billion of oil every 90 days for Iraq
to purchase food, medicines, and other "humanitarian items" for its
people. The Government of Iraq delayed implementation of UNSCR 986 for
a year and a half, until December 1996.
"Since December 1996," Clinton said, "the Iraqi regime has continued
to obstruct the relief plan. It has reduced the food ration for each
person, even as more food was flowing into the country. In fact, there
are credible reports that as food imports under UNSCR 986 increased,
the regime reduced its regular food purchases, potentially freeing up
money for other purposes. There are also reports that Iraq may have
stockpiled food in warehouses for use by the military and regime
supporters -- even though the Iraqi people need the food now. Under
UNSCR 1111 -- the 6-month renewal of UNSCR 986 passed in June 1997 --
the regime delayed oil sales for 2 months, even while it claimed its
people were starving. In Baghdad, the regime staged threatening
demonstrations against U.N. relief offices. Under both UNSCR's 986 and
1111, the U.N. Sanctions Committee has had to carefully consider each
and every import contract because of the possibility that Iraq may
slip orders for dual-use items that can be employed to make weapons
into long lists of humanitarian goods."
Clinton pointed out that "As a demonstration of our firm resolve to
support the U.N., I directed the deployment of the USS GEORGE
WASHINGTON, escort ships, and additional combat aircraft to the
region. In this regard we take note of and welcome House Resolution
322 expressing the sense of the House that the United States should
act to resolve the crisis in a manner that assures full Iraqi
compliance with UNSC resolutions regarding the destruction of Iraq's
capability to produce and deliver weapons of mass destruction. While
the addition of these forces gives us a wide range of military
options, should they be necessary, we remain firmly committed to
finding a diplomatic solution."
Iraq, Clinton said, remains "a serious threat to international peace
and security. I remain determined to see Iraq comply fully with all of
its obligations under U.N. Security Council resolutions. My
Administration will continue to sustain and strengthen sanctions until
Iraq demonstrates its peaceful intentions through such compliance.
"I appreciate the support of the Congress for our efforts and shall
continue to keep the Congress informed about this important issue."
Following is the White House text:
(begin text)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
December 1, 1997
TEXT OF A LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES AND THE PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE
November 26, 1997
Dear Mr. Speaker:  (Dear Mr. President:)
Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against
Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) and as part of my effort to keep
the Congress fully informed, I am reporting on the status of efforts
to obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the United
Nations Security Council (UNSC). This report covers the period from
September 23 to the present.
Since my last report, the Government of Iraq attempted to defy the
international community by unilaterally imposing unacceptable
conditions on the operations of the U.N. Special Commission (UNSCOM).
On October 29, the Iraqi government announced its intention to expel
all U.S. personnel working in Iraq for UNSCOM. Iraq's aim appears to
have been to establish an environment under which it could restore its
capacity to develop weapons of mass destruction without restriction.
For 3 weeks, the Government of Iraq refused to allow American UNSCOM
personnel to enter the country or to participate in site inspections,
expelled UNSCOM personnel who are U.S. citizens, threatened the safety
of the U.S. Air Force U-2 aircraft that flies missions for UNSCOM,
tampered with UNSCOM monitoring equipment, removed UNSCOM cameras,
moved and concealed significant pieces of dual-use equipment, and
imposed additional unacceptable conditions on continued operations of
UNSCOM. Two confrontational actions were undertaken in an atmosphere
of strident, threatening Iraqi rhetoric, the dispersal of Iraqi armed
forces as if in preparation for a military conflict, and the placement
of innocent civilian "human shields" at military sites and at many of
Saddam Hussein's palaces in violation of international norms of
conduct.
On November 20, having obtained no agreement from the U.N. or the
United States to alter UNSCOM or the sanctions regime -- indeed,
having obtained none of its stated objectives -- the Iraqi government
announced that it would allow UNSCOM inspectors who are U.S. citizens
to return to their duties. This encouraging development, however, will
be ultimately tested by Saddam Hussein's actions, not his words. It
remains to be seen whether the Government of Iraq will now live up to
its obligations under all applicable UNSC resolutions, including its
commitment to allow UNSCOM to perform its work unhindered.
As expressed unanimously by the five permanent members (P-5) of the
Security Council meeting in Geneva November 20, the will of the entire
international community is for the unconditional decision of Iraq to
allow the return of UNSCOM inspectors to Iraq in their previous
composition. I must note that the United States was not briefed on,
did not endorse, and is not bound by anything other than the terms of
the P-5 statement. Neither the United States nor the U.N. are bound by
any bilateral agreement between Russia and Iraq. We will carefully
monitor events and will continue to be prepared for any contingency.
Iraq's challenge was issued, in part, in response to U.N. Security
Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1134, of October 23, in which the Security
Council condemned Iraq's flagrant violations of relevant Security
Council resolutions and expressed its firm intention to impose travel
restrictions on the Iraqi leadership if the long-standing pattern of
obstruction and harassment of UNSCOM personnel continued. In the
debate of UNSCR 1134, not one nation on the Security Council
questioned the need to continue sanctions. The only serious debate was
over when and how to impose additional sanctions. UNSCR 1134 was based
on the UNSCOM and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
6-month reports to the UNSC that indicated that the Government of Iraq
has not provided the "substantial compliance" called for in UNSCR 1115
of June 21, 1997 -- especially regarding immediate, unconditional and
unrestricted access to facilities for inspection and to officials for
interviews.
On November 12 the resolve of the international community was further
demonstrated when the Security Council voted unanimously to adopt
UNSCR 1137 -- the first new sanctions against Iraq since the Gulf War
-- condemning Iraq's continued violations of its obligations and
imposing restrictions on the travel of all Iraqi officials and armed
forces members responsible for or participating in noncompliance. The
UNSC in a Presidential Statement condemned Iraq again upon the actual
expulsion of the American UNSCOM personnel. The UNSC's solidarity was
reflected as well in the UNSCOM Executive Chairman's and IAEA
Director's decisions that all UNSCOM and IAEA personnel should depart
Iraq rather than accede to the Iraqi demand that no American
participate in inspecti on activities.
As a demonstration of our firm resolve to support the U.N., I directed
the deployment of the USS GEORGE WASHINGTON, escort ships, and
additional combat aircraft to the region. In this regard we take note
of and welcome House Resolution 322 expressing the sense of the House
that the United States should act to resolve the crisis in a manner
that assures full Iraqi compliance with UNSC resolutions regarding the
destruction of Iraq's capability to produce and deliver weapons of
mass destruction. While the addition of these forces gives us a wide
range of military options, should they be necessary, we remain firmly
committed to finding a diplomatic solution.
The ongoing crisis is only one chapter in the long history of efforts
by the Iraqi regime to flout its obligations under UNSC resolutions.
Iraq has persistently failed to disclose fully its programs for
weapons of mass destruction. It admits to moving significant pieces of
dual-use equipment subject to monitoring. Without full disclosure,
UNSCOM and the IAEA cannot effectively conduct the ongoing monitoring
and verification mandated by UNSCR's 687, 707, 715, and other relevant
resolutions.
Iraqi biological and chemical weapons are currently the most troubling
issues for UNSCOM. This is due to the innate dual-use nature of the
technology -- how easily it can be hidden within civilian industries
such as, for biological agents -- the pharmaceutical industry, and for
chemical agents -- the pesticide industry. In both cases, Iraq
continues to prevent full and immediate access to sites suspected of
chemical or biological warfare activities. Until 2 months ago, for
example, major aspects of Iraq's pernicious "VX" program (a powerful
nerve agent) were unknown to UNSCOM due to Iraqi concealment. UNSCOM
is still unable to verify that all of Iraq's SCUD missile warheads
filled with biological agents -- anthrax and botulinum toxin - have
been destroyed. When UNSCOM says it is making "significant progress"
in these areas, it is referring to UNSCOM's progress in ferreting out
Iraqi deception, not Iraqi progress in cooperating with UNSCOM.
The Iraqi regime contends that UNSCOM and the IAEA should "close the
books" on nuclear and missile inspections. But there are still many
uncertainties and questions that need to be resolved. Among the many
problems, Iraq has:
failed to answer critical questions on nuclear weapons design and
fabrication, procurement, and centrifuge enrichment;
failed to detail how far the theoretical and practical aspects of its
clandestine nuclear efforts progressed;
failed to explain in full the interaction between its nuclear warhead
and missile design programs;
failed to provide a written description of its post-war nuclear
weapons procurement program;
failed to account for major engine components, special warheads,
missing propellants, and guidance instruments that could be used to
assemble fully operational missiles; and
failed to discuss -- on the direct orders of Tariq Aziz -- its actions
to retain missile launchers.
In accordance with relevant UNSCR's, UNSCOM must continue to
investigate the Iraqi nuclear and missile programs until it can verify
with absolute certainty that all the equipment has been destroyed and
that all the capabilities have been eliminated. Otherwise, Iraq will
be able to strike at any city in the Middle East, delivering
devastating biological, chemical, and even nuclear weapons.
UNSCOM's work must include vigorous efforts to unveil Iraq's
"Concealment Mechanism." Led by elements of its special security
services, Iraq has for over 6-years engaged in a massive and elaborate
campaign to keep UNSCOM inspectors from finding proscribed equipment,
documents, and possibly weapons themselves. Over the years, inspection
teams have been prevented from doing their jobs and held -- often at
gunpoint -- outside suspect facilities, providing enough time for
evidence to be hidden or destroyed. To rout out Iraq's remaining
weapons of mass destruction, UNSCOM must be granted full access to all
sites, without exception.
The Iraqi regime contends that it has been forced to defy the
international community in this manner out of concern for the
well-being of the Iraqi people, claiming that malnutrition and
inadequate medical care are the direct result of internationally
imposed sanctions. To the contrary, the deep concern of the United
States and the international community about the condition of the
Iraqi people is evident in the fact that the international sanctions
against Iraq have been carefully structured to help ensure that
ordinary Iraqis need not suffer. Since their inception, the sanctions
against Iraq have had exceptions for the importation into Iraq of
foods and medicines. In August 1991, when Iraq claimed that it was
unable to pay for its food needs, the Security Council adopted UNSCR
706 (and later 712), authorizing Iraq to sell limited amounts of
petroleum on the international market, with the proceeds to be used to
purchase humanitarian supplies, and to fund vital U.N. activities
regarding Iraq. The Government of Iraq, however, ignored the needs of
its own people, by refusing to accept UNSCR's 706 and 712.
In April 1995 the Security Council proposed a new oil-for-food offer
to Iraq in UNSCR 986, sponsored by the United States and others. UNSCR
986 authorized the sale of up to $1 billion of oil every 90 days for
Iraq to purchase food, medicines, and other "humanitarian items" for
its people. The Government of Iraq delayed implementation of UNSCR 986
for a year and a half, until December 1996.
Since December 1996, the Iraqi regime has continued to obstruct the
relief plan. It has reduced the food ration for each person, even as
more food was flowing into the country. In fact, there are credible
reports that as food imports under UNSCR 986 increased, the regime
reduced its regular food purchases, potentially freeing up money for
other purposes. There are also reports that Iraq may have stockpiled
food in warehouses for use by the military and regime supporters --
even though the Iraqi people need the food now. Under UNSCR 1111 --
the 6-month renewal of UNSCR 986 passed in June 1997 -- the regime
delayed oil sales for 2 months, even while it claimed its people were
starving. In Baghdad, the regime staged threatening demonstrations
against U.N. relief offices. Under both UNSCR's 986 and 1111, the U.N.
Sanctions Committee has had to carefully consider each and every
import contract because of the possibility that Iraq may slip orders
for dual-use items that can be employed to make weapons into long
lists of humanitarian goods.
Since 1990 -- even at the height of the Gulf War -- the consistent
position of the United States has been that this dispute is with
Iraq's regime, not with its people. We have always been open to
suggestions on how UNSCR's 986 and 1111 can be improved or expanded to
better serve the needs of the people. The confrontational tactics of
the Iraqi government have not altered this position.
Sanctions against Iraq were imposed as the result of Iraq's invasion
of Kuwait. It has been necessary to sustain them because of Iraq's
failure to comply with relevant UNSC resolutions, including those to
ensure that Saddam Hussein is not allowed to resume the unrestricted
development and production of weapons of mass destruction. Prior to
the Gulf War, Saddam had already used chemical weapons on the Iraqi
people and on Iranian troops, and he threatened to use them on
coalition forces and innocent civilians in Saudi Arabia and Israel
during the Gulf War. By restricting the amount of oil he can sell to a
level that provides for the needs of the Iraqi people but does not
allow him to pursue other, nonhumanitarian objectives, international
sanctions make it virtually impossible for Saddam to gear up his
weapons programs to full strength.
Saddam could end the suffering of his people tomorrow if he would
cease his obstruction of the oil-for-food program and allow it to be
implemented properly. He could end sanctions entirely if he would
demonstrate peaceful intentions by complying fully with relevant UNSC
resolutions. The United States has supported and will continue to
support the sanctions against the Iraqi regime until such time as
compliance is achieved.
Saddam Hussein remains a threat to his people, to the region, and to
the world, and the United States remains determined to contain the
threat posed by his regime. The United States looks forward to the day
when Iraq rejoins the family of nations as a responsible and
law-abiding member but until then, containment must continue.
Regarding military operations, the United States and its coalition
partners continue to enforce the no-fly zones over Iraq under
Operation Northern Watch and Operation Southern Watch. We have
detected myriad intentional Iraqi violations of both no-fly zones.
While these incidents (Iraqi violations of the no-fly zones) started
several hours after an Iranian air raid on terrorist bases inside
Iraq, it was clear that Iraq's purpose was to try and test the
coalition to see how far it could go in violating the ban on flights
in these regions. A maximum effort by Operation Southern Watch forces
complemented by early arrival in theater of the USS NIMITZ battle
group, dramatically reduced violations in the southern no-fly zone. An
increase in the number of support aircraft participating in Northern
Watch allowed increased operating capacity that in turn significantly
reduced the number of violations in the north. We have repeatedly made
clear to the Government of Iraq and to all other relevant parties that
the United States and its partners will continue to enforce both
no-fly zones, and that we reserve the right to respond appropriately
and decisively to any Iraqi provocations.
United States force levels include land- and carrier-based aircraft,
surface warships, a Marine amphibious task force, a Patriot missile
battalion, a mechanized battalion task force, and a mix of special
operations forces deployed in support of USCINCCENT operations. To
enhance force protection throughout the region, additional military
security personnel have been deployed for continuous rotation.
USCINCCENT continues to monitor closely the security situation in the
region to ensure adequate force protection is provided for all
deployed forces.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 9491 adopted in October
1994, demands that Iraq not use its military or any other forces to
threaten its neighbors or U.N. operations in Iraq and that it not
redeploy troops or enhance its military capacity in southern Iraq. In
view of Saddam's accumulating record of unreliability, it is prudent
to retain a significant U.S. force presence in the region in order to
deter Iraq and maintain the capability to respond rapidly to possible
Iraqi aggression or threats against its neighbors.
Implementation of UNSCR 1051 continues. It provides for a mechanism to
monitor Iraq's efforts to reacquire proscribed weapons capabilities by
requiring Iraq to notify a joint unit of UNSCOM and the IAEA in
advance of any imports of dual-use items. Similarly, U.N. members must
provide timely notification of exports to Iraq of dual-use items.
The human rights situation throughout Iraq remains unchanged. Iraq's
repression of its Shi'a population continues, with policies that are
destroying the Marsh Arabs' way of life in southern Iraq and the
ecology of the southern marshes. The United Nations, in its most
recent reports on implementation of Resolution 986, recognized that
the Government of Iraq continues forcibly to deport Iraqi citizens
from Kirkuk and other areas of northern Iraq still under the Iraqi
government's control. Iraq continues to stall and obfuscate rather
than work in good faith toward accounting for the hundreds of Kuwaitis
and third-country nationals who disappeared at the hands of Iraqi
authorities during the occupation of Kuwait. The Government of Iraq
shows no signs of complying with UNSC Resolution 688, which demands
that Iraq cease the repression of its own people. The U.N. Human
Rights Commission's special rapporteur on Iraq reported to the General
Assembly of his particular concern that extrajudicial, summary or
arbitrary executions and the practice of torture continue to occur in
Iraq.
The INDICT campaign continues to gain momentum. Led by various
independent Iraqi opposition groups and nongovernmental organizations,
this effort seeks to document crimes against humanity and other
violations of international humanitarian law committed by the Iraqi
regime. We applaud the tenacity of the Iraqi opposition in the face of
one of the most repressive regimes in history. We also take note of
and welcome H.Con.Res. 137 of November 12, expressing the sense of the
House of Representatives concerning the need for an international
criminal tribunal to try members of the Iraqi regime for war crimes
and crimes against humanity.
Regarding northern Iraq, our efforts to help resolve the differences
between Massoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party
(KDP) and Jalal Talabani, leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan
(PUK) have not yet yielded the type of permanent, stable settlement
that the people of northern Iraq deserve. The Peace Monitoring Force
-- sponsored by the United States, Great Britain, and Turkey under the
Ankara Process and comprising Iraqi Turkomans and Assyrians -- was
forced to withdraw from the agreed cease-fire line between the two
groups, when PUK forces, joined by the terrorist Kurdish Workers Party
(PKK) launched a wide-scale attack on the KDP on October 13. The KDP,
supported by airstrikes and ground elements of the Turkish army,
launched a counterattack on November 8. We have helped to arrange a
number of temporary cease-fires and to restore humanitarian services
in the course of this fighting, but the underlying causes for conflict
remain. We will continue our efforts to reach a permanent settlement
through mediation in order to minimize opportunities for Baghdad
and/or Tehran to insert themselves into the conflict and threaten
Iraqi citizens in this region.
The Multinational Interception Force (MIF) continues its important
mission in the Arabian Gulf. The U.S. Navy provides the bulk of the
forces involved in the maritime sanctions enforcement authorized under
Resolution 665, although we receive much-needed help from a number of
close allies, including during the past year: Belgium, Canada, The
Netherlands, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom.
Illegal smuggling of Iraqi gasoil from the Shatt Al Arab waterway in
violation of Resolution 661 has doubled since May of this year --
reaching an estimated 180,000 metric tons per month -- and continues
to increase. The smugglers use the territorial waters of Iran with the
complicity of the Iranian government that profits from charging
protection fees for these vessels to avoid interception by the MIF in
international waters. Cash raised from these illegal operations is
used to purchase contraband goods that are then smuggled back into
Iraq by the same route. We continue to brief the U.N. Sanctions
Committee regarding these operations and have pressed the Committee to
compel Iran to give a full accounting of its involvement. We have also
worked closely with our MIF partners and Gulf Cooperation Council
states to take measures to curb sanctions-breaking operations.
The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC), established
pursuant to UNSCR 687 and 692, continues to resolve claims against
Iraq arising from Iraq's unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait.
The UNCC has issued almost 1.3 million awards worth approximately $6
billion. Thirty percent of the proceeds from the oil sales permitted
by UNSCR's 986 and 1111 have been allocated to the Compensation Fund
to pay awards and to finance operations of the UNCC, and these
proceeds will continue to be allocated to the Fund under UNSCR 1111.
To the extent that money is available in the Compensation Fund,
initial payments to each claimant are authorized for awards in the
order in which the UNCC has approved them, in installments of $2,500.
To date, 455 U.S. claimants have received an initial installment
payment, and payment is in process for an additional 487 U.S.
claimants.
Iraq remains a serious threat to international peace and security. I
remain determined to see Iraq comply fully with all of its obligations
under U.N. Security Council resolutions. My Administration will
continue to sustain and strengthen sanctions until Iraq demonstrates
its peaceful intentions through such compliance.
I appreciate the support of the Congress for our efforts and shall
continue to keep the Congress informed about this important issue.
Sincerely,
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
(end text)