IAEA Board of Governors Meeting
8 September 2003
Statement by the United States
on IAEA Director General's Report
on the Implementationof the NPT
Safeguards Agreement
in the Islamic Republic of Iran
By Ambassador Kennneth C. Brill
Madame Chairwoman,
My delegation welcomes and takes
note of the Director General's August 26 report on the Implementation of the
NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The report sets out important information
both on Iran's nuclear program and on the nature of its responses to the
Agency's efforts to achieve a coherent picture of that program. I regret to say that my delegation found the
August 26 report less effectively organized and less clear in some respects in
stating the results of its analysis than was the June 6 report. But it nonetheless made plain that -- after
an additional two months of intensive work -- the unanswered questions have
only grown in both number and significance.
The Director General's introductory statement to the Board on Monday
confirmed the need for "much urgent and essential work" to bring all
outstanding issues to a definitive conclusion.
The United States of
course agrees that the Secretariat should continue its efforts to clarify the
history, nature and purposes of the Iranian nuclear program. But while we look forward to eventually
receiving a comprehensive analysis of all relevant issues, we as Board members
must not use the need for continuing work as grounds to avoid our present
responsibility to look at the facts that have already been established. The importance of the issues raised by the
Iranian program requires us to reflect seriously now on patterns that the
Agency's work to date has put clearly on the record.
Those patterns -- which
are inconsistent with both Iran's safeguards agreement and its professions of
transparency -- include:
-- working in secret, going back into the 1980s, to develop sophisticated nuclear facilities.
-- stalling, stonewalling,
and on a number of occasions first providing the IAEA false information, and
then changing its story when the original version was revealed to be
inaccurate.
-- attempting to
cover up traces of its activities to avoid detection by the Agency.
Those are the broad patterns the Agency's work has thus far established. The Director General's June 6 report stated forthrightly that Iran had failed to meet important obligations under its Safeguards Agreement and provided a listing of those failures. It also reviewed a number of open questions it was still pursuing, with particular regard to Iran's enrichment program, the role of uranium metal in its nuclear fuel cycle, and its heavy water program. In response to that report, the Board authorized a statement in our June meeting that, inter alia, urged Iran promptly to rectify all safeguards problems identified in the report and to resolve the open questions. We also encouraged Iran in June not to introduce nuclear material at the pilot enrichment plant at Natanz, and called on it to permit environmental sampling at the particular location (the Kalaye Electric Company site) about which allegations of enrichment activities had been made.
It is instructive to
consider the Director General's August 26 report in light of his June 6 report
and the June 19 Board Statement. To
begin with, the August 26 report makes additions to the already significant
June 6 list of failures by Iran to meet its safeguards obligations. Contrary to earlier Iranian statements --
and only in response to damning evidence and repeated IAEA inquiries -- Iran
has now confirmed it conducted undeclared conversion experiments on two
occasions in the 1990s, as the paragraphs 15 and 23 of the report detail.
Along with confirmed
failures by Iran to observe its safeguards obligations, the June 6 report cited
numerous "open questions" that required answers. The most significant such open question
related to Iran's enrichment program.
The August 26 report provides information making clear Iran has
consistently misled the Agency about its enrichment program. Let me list three examples:
-- First, as
paragraph 30 reveals, Iran's centrifuge enrichment program did not begin in
1997, as Iran initially told the Agency, but in 1985, i.e., almost 20 year ago;
-- Second, Iran's
centrifuge program is not entirely indigenous, as Iran initially told the
Agency and as AEOI President Agazadeh assured an informal meeting of this Board
on May 6. Iran now says it received
centrifuge drawings in 1987 from a still unnamed foreign intermediary
(paragraph 30) and, in addition, Iran now says it imported components for
centrifuges and a cascade design (paragraphs 31 and 28); and
-- Third, the
Kalaye Electric Company -- which Iran originally told the IAEA only produced
centrifuge components -- now is said to have been a central part of its
centrifuge testing program for five years (1997-2002) (paragraph 31); but Iran
still claims, implausibly, that it never introduced nuclear material into
centrifuges. As we await the results of
the sampling recently done at Kalaye, we should all bear those repeated
assurances in mind.
There were also open
questions in June about laser enrichment.
The August 26 report suggests that those questions are still open. Iran has not allowed IAEA inspectors to take
environmental samples at a key laser research site -- whose existence it had
previously not acknowledged -- and did not let them visit the site until after
some equipment, including a large imported vacuum vessel that could have
applications for laser uranium enrichment, had been moved to another location
(paragraph 42).
There were also "open
questions" in June about the Kalaye Electric Company site. After months of repeated requests, the
Agency was finally allowed to take environmental samples there in August, but
paragraph 32 of the August 26 report notes that Iran had used the intervening
months to make "considerable modifications" to the site that
"may impact on the accuracy of the environmental sampling and the Agency's
ability to verify Iran's declarations about the types of activities previously
carried out here."
I will not detail other
still-open questions -involving, for instance, uranium metal and heavy water
-- but simply note that the August 26 report shows that, despite the
Secretariat's excellent work in the intervening period, there are today more
open questions about Iran's nuclear program than there were on June 6. The more the Agency has looked underneath
the surface of Iran's program, the less the explanations offered have hung together
in a plausible way.
In addition to urging
that open questions be resolved, the Board called on Iran in June to
"cooperate fully with the Agency in its ongoing work." What does the
August 26 report have to say about Iran's cooperation with the Agency?
Paragraph 52 of the report
says that "since the last report was issued," Iran showed increased
cooperation in terms of the "amount" and "detail" of
information provided. In fact, most of that "increased cooperation"
in "amount" and "detail" came only in the last two weeks
before the DG's report was issued, when Iran clearly tried to influence its
content and tone after stalling for the preceding six weeks. That delay was quite possibly also an
attempt to prevent sampling results from the Kalaye Electric Company from being
available by the time of this Board meeting.
Board members should note
there is no indication in the careful wording in paragraph 52 of an increase in
the "quality" or "accuracy" of the information Iran
provided since the June report -- we will have to look to the results of future
work of IAEA inspectors to see whether the new stories are as unreliable as
previous Iranian claims. Paragraph 52
alludes circumspectly to that problem, saying not only that "information
and access were at times slow in coming and incremental," but also that
"some of the information was in contrast to that previously provided by
Iran." And the DG's
characterization of Iranian information as "piecemeal" and
"reactive" in his introductory statement to the Board Monday only
reinforces that Iran has not stepped forward in a positive way to resolve the
Agency's concerns.
What else should the Board note about Iran's reluctant and grudging cooperation with the Agency?
-- The Board
requested in June, "as a confidence- building measure," that Iran not
introduce nuclear material into its pilot enrichment facility at Natanz,
"pending the resolution of related outstanding issues." Paragraph 33 of the DG's report informs us
that less than 10 days after the Board made that request, Iran went ahead and
introduced UF6 into the first centrifuge at Natanz, and then on August 19 began
testing a ten-machine cascade with UF6.
How much "confidence-building" were those actions intended to
achieve, and how much cooperation with the Board did they display?
-- We understand from an
August 29 discussion involving various Board members, including Iran, that
paragraph 50 of the report is in error in saying Iran agreed to provide the
Agency information about its foreign suppliers of centrifuge information. In
fact,
the opposite is the case: Iran is refusing to provide such information because
"intermediaries" were used to acquire the information, drawings and
components. Should the Board regard
that as cooperation with the Agency?
-- As paragraph 28
reports, the Agency asked in June for the original centrifuge drawings provided
to Iran by a foreign entity in 1987.
Iran has presented only redrawn copies of the originals. Is that cooperation with the Agency?
-- According to paragraph
45, the updated design information that Iran provided the Agency in August does
not refer to hot cells, although they would be essential for the purpose for
which Iran says it intends to use the heavy water reactor, and published
reports indicate it has been seeking equipment for hot cells. Does that constitute cooperation with the
Agency? Given its lack of transparency
in this regard, Iran should not be surprised that Board members are concerned
about reprocessing activities that could be underway.
-- Paragraph 42 reports that the Agency asked to take
environmental samples at Iran's laser R&D center. Iran has thus far only "undertaken to consider" that
request. Board members will recall
that, as paragraph 32 indicates, Iran "considered" the Agency's
request to take samples at the Kalaye Electric Company for a full six months --
and during that period considerably modified the premises --before agreeing to
allow samples to be taken. Is that the
kind of cooperation the Board regards as adequate?
In fact, the record
clearly shows that Iran's "cooperation" with the Agency has at best
been episodic and reluctant, and has frequently featured delay, denial of
access, and misinformation. Forced
admissions and grudging grants of delayed access are more accurately described
as damage control than as genuine cooperation.
In addition to the
additional identified failures by Iran to meet its safeguards obligations I
cited above, the DG's report (paragraphs 34 and 29) details the disturbing news
that the Agency found two different types of HEU in Iran. Iran has tried to explain away that finding
with a belated admission that its senior officials erred in repeatedly telling
the Agency, the Board and the world that the Iranian centrifuge enrichment
program was wholly indigenous. Instead, the Agency is now told, Iran must have
acquired "contaminated" centrifuge components from previously
unacknowledged foreign sources. In
light of prior revisions in Iran's explanation of its program, this new
assertion clearly must be examined with great care to establish whether the
particles that were discovered reflect enrichment activities outside Iran,
within the country, or both. The IAEA
is entirely right to call on Iran immediately to provide full documentation of
all related transactions -- how much credibility does Iran have, now that it is
clear it did not tell the truth about key aspects of its program?
Another issue addressed in
the report (paragraph 11) is Iran's August 24 letter to the Director General
saying it is "prepared to begin negotiation" on an Additional
Protocol. The U.S. hopes that letter is
something more than another facet of Iran's strategy of delay, although we see
scant ground for optimism in that regard. Let us see how rapidly Iran accepts
the provisions of a document scores of other IAEA members have already
signed. And let us see whether it will
agree, as the Director General called on it to do in his introductory
statement, to apply provisionally the provisions of the Additional Protocol to
provide much-needed reassurance to the international community until its
Protocol is ratified and ready for full implementation.
In summary, Madame
Chairwoman, what does the evidence in the Director General's August 26 report, combined with his June 6 report and
the Board's June 19 Statement, mean in relation to Iran's NPT Safeguards
Agreement?
We know from-the June 6
and August 26 reports that Iran has failed in a number of important regards to
meet its obligations under its NPT Safeguards Agreement. Indeed, Paragraph 52 of the August 26 report
makes clear the Agency is at this time unable to provide assurance to the Board
that Iran has not diverted nuclear material to non-peaceful purposes, and will
not in the future be in a position to do so unless Iran provides
"continued and accelerated cooperation and full transparency." It is also clear Iran's cooperation with the
Agency has been selective at best, and the list of significant outstanding
issues is growing longer.
In the face of the facts
in the Director General's June 6 and August 26 reports, the Board has a
responsibility to act. The credibility
of the global nuclear nonproliferation regime depends on the Agency -- and let
me stress that the Agency includes the Board as well as the Secretariat and DG --
standing firm against all efforts to violate or circumvent NPT obligations. The
United States believes the Board must today send a clear message of political
backing for the DG and Secretariat in their efforts to penetrate the fog of
obfuscation, misleading information, and delayed admissions in which Iran
continues to envelop its nuclear program.
Because of their high skill and professionalism and hard work, Agency
inspectors have made progress, but it is obvious from the August 26 report that
they need help to complete the job. The
Board has a responsibility now to address the nonproliferation challenge
manifest in the clear pattern of the evidence before us.
Some have claimed the
United States is seeking to "politicize" the IAEA process. Nothing could be further from the
truth. What we seek to ensure is that
the IAEA meets its responsibilities.
Finding peaceful resolutions to critical nonproliferation issues means,
among other things, that relevant institutions must serve their intended
functions. Is it politicization to
support the NPT, or to expect NPT signatories to meet their safeguards
obligations, as the U.S. is doing? Is
it politicization to imply that "cracks" in treaties and unexpected reactions
could result from the IAEA pressing for answers to outstanding questions?
It is no secret, Madame
Chairwoman, that the United States believes the facts already established would
fully justify an immediate finding of non-compliance by Iran with its
safeguards violations. We have taken
note, however, of the desire of other member states to give Iran a last chance
to stop its evasions, and have agreed today to join in the call on Iran to take
"essential and urgent" actions to demonstrate that it has done
so. Passing a resolution on this issue
that firmly backs the IAEA's efforts is the least the Board could credibly do
to meet its responsibilities.
The United States looks
forward to working with other delegations to support the Agency and the NPT in
resolving this issue.
Finally, I propose we
agree that, on the basis of past practice and full transparency, the Director
General's report of August 26 be released to the public.
Thank you, Madame
Chairwoman.
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