Statement by
Mr. Sharad Pawar at the
General Debate of First Committee, United Nations General Assembly
October 14, 1998
New York
1. Mr. Chairman, the Indian delegation extends to you, Sir, its sincere congratulations on
your election to the chairmanship of the First Committee. We are confident that with your
vast diplomatic skills and experince you will be able to steer the work of this Committee
to a fruitful outcome, to which end my delegation pledges its full cooperation with you.
2. Mr. Chairman, the international security and disarmament agenda remains burdened with a
flawed security paradigm constructured during the cold war years. This paradigm is
underscored and underwritten by the privileged possession of nuclear weapons by a self
anointed few, legitimized through NPT. Clearly this secuirty paradigm is in need of
replacement with one that ensures the achievement of the objectives of international peace
and security along with equal and legitimate security for all through global disarmament.
We hope that the deliberations of this Committee will lead to a paradigm shift which will
contribute to a forward-looking disarmament agenda for next year, one which will enable
the international community to greet the next millennium with the confidence that the
threat posed by nuclear weapons will be eliminated for ever.
3. The failure of the international community to come to grips with the threat posed by
nuclear weapons is due to the draw backs in the main legal instrument that was designed to
deal with nuclear weapons-the Nuclear Non-Proliferaion Treaty. Rather than serving the
purposes of non-proliferation the NPT may have resulted in the reverse. It facilitated
vertical proliferation of several magnitudes from the time the Treaty entered into force;
by attempting to reinforce nuclear monopoly, it in fact accentuated security concerns of
others; by seeking to perpetuate inequality and differentiated standards of national
security it in effect severely compromised the evolution of a sustainable international
security system. The NPT has not prevented countries, nominally non Nuclear, from enjoying
the security of a nuclear umbrella. Even the undertaking to prevent the transfer of
nuclear materials and technology has not been adhered to. The global non proliferation
regime stands challenged by none other than the Non-proliferation Treaty itself, while
India remains committed to the goals of a global non-proliferation regime, events have
served to only reconfirm the shortcomings of the NPT.
4. The success achieved in the prohibition of chemical and biological weapons point to
instructive lessons for the efforts that need to be undertaken for the elimination of
nuclear weapons. The non-discriminatory international Conventions prohibiting chemical and
biological weapons respectively were based on a devaluation of the military utility of
these weapons and on the belief that rather than partial and discriminatory arms control,
the interests of international security are better served with their complete prohibition
and elimination. Disarmament was the chosen path and the dividends are there for all to
see. As an original state party to the CWC, India has endeavoured to discharge, fully and
faithfully, its obligations under the Convention. As the first Chairman of the Executive
Council India strived hard to fulfill its responsibilities. We are hopeful that the
negotiation under way in Geneva in the BTWC ADHOC Group will be undertaken in accordance
with the agreed mandate and without artificial deadlines, and yield results as soon as
possible, before the Fifth Review Conference in a Protocol that not only strengthens the
implemenation of the BTWC but also gives full expression, in a nondiscriminatory manner,
to the developmental imperatives contained in Article III as well as Article X of the
Convention, whose full operationalization would contribute to the conclusion of an
universally acceptable, legally binding instrument that strengthens the 1972 BW
Convention.
5. Mr. Chairman, the START process seems to be at a standstill. The initial promise of
deep, continuous and irreversible reductions in strategic and forces, held out be the
positive post cold war climate, appearing to be fading. Even if this process is
reinvigorated, and we hope that this is possible sooner rather than later, the reductions
planned under the extended time-tables of START II and those envisaged under a future
START III, will mean that the remaining nuclear arsenals would be larger than at the time
of the Cuban Missile crisis. Reduction since 1990, in the US and Russian strategic nuclear
forces, in terms of the number of warheads by delivery system, amount to just one third,
mostly in the older generation of nuclear forces. Those remaining under deployment would
benefit from continuing efforts at modernization of nuclear forces, including through
nuclear testing using non explosive techniques.
6. Doctrines of first use of nuclear weapons and the substantial numbers under hair
trigger alert pose unequivocal views including of accidental or unauthorized launch of
nuclear weapons. We are concerned that even with the end of the cold war there are today
more than 5, 000 nuclear weapons on hair trigger alert. Serious attention needs to be paid
to various proposals for global de-alerting, de-targeting and de-activating of nuclear
weapons that could contribute to confidence-building and to the improvement in the
international climate for negotiation leading to the elimination of nuclear weapons. India
proposes to introduce a resolution entitled "Reducing Nuclear Danger ", and we
hope that this initiative of India aimed at focussing international attention on this
clear and present danger, will receive wide spread support.
7. Several distinguished institutions, including several NGOs, media and other voices from
the civil society the world over have supported the call for a world order based on the
principles of equal and legitiamate secuirty for all, convinced that it is both essential
and possible to bring about the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. The International
Court of Justice concluded unanimously that there exists an obligation not just to begin
but also to "bring a conclusion negotiations leading to the nuclear disarmament in
all its aspects under strict and effective international control." We need to
consider further steps that contribute upon that historic advisory opinion.
8. The starting of the Heads of State or Government of the Non aligned countries in
Bhutan, South Africa representing five-sixths of the humanity, noted that the present
situation whereby nuclear weapon states in that nuclear weapons provide unique security
benefits, and yet monopolize the right to own them is highly discriminatory, unstable and
cannot be sustained. The Durban Summit accepted India's proposal that an international
conference be held preferable in 1999, with the objective of arriving at an agreement,
before the end of this millennium on a phased program for the complete elimination of all
nuclear weapons. The Prime Minister of India, Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, addressing the
General Assembly on September 24, 1998 called upon all members of the International
community and particularly the other nuclear weapon states to join in this endeavour.
There is no dilution of India's committee that the then Prime Minister of India Mr. Rajiv
Gandhi proposed in 1988 at the Third Special Session of the General Assembly on
Disarmament "An Action Plan for a World Free Nuclear Weapons", calling on the
international community to immediately undertake negotiations with a view to adopting a
time bound Action Plan to usher in a world order free of nuclear weapons and rooted in non
violence.
9. This Committee is aware of the circumstances leading to India standing aside from the
CTBT in 1998. That decision, taken on the hands of national consensus, was governed by
considerations. Some of them have been addressed through the limited series of five
underground nuclear tests conducted by India, on 11 and 13 May 1998. These tests were
conducted as a measured response to a deteriorating security convention and were not in
violation of any legal obligation entered into by
India. Thereafter, India announced a voluntary moratorium on further underground test
explosions, thus already accepting the basic obligation of the CTBT.
10. Mr. Chairman, as noted in its Annual Report the Conference on Disarmament agreed for
establishment this year ended the committee to negotiate a treaty that will prohibit the
production of missile material for nuclear weapons or other explosive devices. We recall
in this context the significance of resolution 4675 adopted by the General Assembly
without a vote. We are aware that when the CD is able to successfully negotiate such a
treaty, it will only be a partial measure and will not eliminate exsiting nuclear
arsenals. India's participation in these negotiations will be to ensure that it is
non-discriminatory and consistent with India's security interests. The peaceful
applications of nuclear technology are of critical importance for developing countries.
Discriminatory restrictions on access to materials, equipment and technology for peaceful
purposes, including restrictions which negatively impact on nuclear safety, must give way
to open and transparent arrangements. Attempts seeking the politicization of the work of
IAEA, in violation of its statute, are a matter of concern.
11. The agreement reached in the CD on an ad hoc committee on Fissile Material was made
possible by the flexibility of a large section of its delegations whose highest priority
remains the establishment of an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament. This flexibility
should not be misread. The CD cannot lose sight of the actual priorities in the
disarmament agenda that the international community expects of it. We believe that there
should be no slackening of efforts on part of all delegations, especially those that have
been reluctant to such an ad hoc committee, to agree to the commencement in the CD, the
single multilateral negoitating forum on disarmament, negotiations on a phased program for
the complete elimination of nuclear weapons with a specified framework of time, including
a nuclelar weapon convention. Like in previous years India will be co-sponsoring with
other Member states a resolution on "Convention on the Prohibition of the Use of
Nuclear weapons."
12. The Convention on the Prohibition of Use of Nuclear Weapons can form the bedrock of
Negative Security Assurances (NSA) which are comprehensive, legally binding and
irreversible. We welcomed the establishment of an ad hoc committee on NSAs in the CD this
year and look forward to the carrying forward of the useful work done by this ad hoc
committee next year. For its part, and conscious of its responsibilities as a nuclear
weapon state, India has stated that it will not be the first to use nuclear weapons and
that it remains willing to strengthen this undertaking by entering into bilateral
agreements on no-first use or multilateral negotiations on a global no first use. Having
stated that we shall not be the first to use nuclear weapons, there remains no basis for
their use against countries which do not have nuclear weapons.
13. We have consistently maintained nuclear weapon free zones cannot do justice to the
wide variety of concerns emanating from the global nature of the threat posed by nuclear
weapons. We, however, respect the sovereign choice exercised by non-nuclear weapon states
in establishing nuclear weapon free zones on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at
among the States of the Region concerned. At the fifth session of the ASEAN Regional Forum
in Manila, India stated that it fully respects the statute of the nuclear weapon free zone
in South East Asia and is ready to convert this commitment into a legal obligation. India
will remain responsive to the expressed need for such commitments to other nuclear weapon
free zones as well.
14. As a responsible member of the international community, India remains fully committed
to maintaining and further strengthening of an effective system of export controls on
technologies that would be in line with the objectives of non-proliferation in all its
aspects. At the same time, as a developing country that has had to pay a high
developmental cost in view of the persistence of discriminatory control mechanisms, some
contrary to existing safety provisions. India has been fully supportive of multilaterally
negotiated, universally acceptable, non-discriminatory guidelines for international
transfers of dual use technologies and high technologies with military applications. We
appreciate the efforts of the Secretary General in bringing out the Report " Role of
Science and Technology in the context of international security and disarmament."
(A/53/202). With a view to carrying forward the consideration of this subject, at a time
of continuing appetites of military doctrines of major powers forever more advanced
applications of science and technology for military purposes, India proposes along with co
sponsors which have extended invaluable support, a resolution entitled "The role of
Science and Technology in the context of international security and disarmament."
15. The Conference on Disarmament was unable during its TSSS session to establish an Ad
Hoc Committee to address issues related to the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space.
India was one of the co-sponsors of 62/37 which reiterated that the CD has the primary
role in the negotiation of a multilateral agreement or agreements, as appropriate, on the
prevention of an arms race in outer space in all its aspects. Current developments aimed
at incorporating space as an integral dimension of Warfare, and in the field of ballistic
missile defneses, do not augur well for the prevention of an arms race in outer space. We
support the early commencement of negotiations in the CD of an appropriate instrument that
would, as first step, ensure the non-weaponization of space while at the same time
preserving the use of space-which is the common heritage of mankind, for the full range of
peaceful and developmental activities.
16. India remains committed to the objective of a non-discriminatory and universal ban on
anti personnel land mines. This objective can be achieved through a phased approach that
enjoys international consensus and by addressing humanitarian concerns and the legitimate
defense requirements of States. We believe that the phased approach commends itself as a
confidence building process enabling States, especailly those with long borders, to remain
sensitive to their legitimate security needs while enabling meaningful international
efforts for addressing the critical humanitarian crisis that has resulted from long years
of indiscriminate transfers and use of anti-personnel land mines. We also believe that the
process of the complete elimination of antipersonnel land mines will be facilitated by the
availability of alternative non-lethal technologies that can perform cost effectively, the
legitimate defensive role of anti-personnel land mines. The critical and interrelated
issues of mine clearance and mine victim assistance deserve greater attention and India
which has actively participated in UN de-mining activities is willing to extend all
possible support. India has made an active contribution to the CCW process and we are
hopeful of ratifying its amended protocol II as soon as possible. We would also be
supportive of negotiations in the CD on ban on transfers on the basis of a mandate that
reflects the interests of all delegatories.
17. We had expressed our concerns regarding the continuing transfer of small arms and
light weapons, especially where illicit trade in such weapons leads to diversion to
non-state entities fueling strife and terrorism. The transnational linkages and networks
are expanding by the day and we note that there is now a greater awareness of the
magnitude and ramifications of this problem which can have a disproportionately large
negative impact on the internal stability and the socio-economic development of the States
affected. The recommendations received last year of the Panel of Government Experts on
Small Arms deserve our continuing attention with the view to taking concrete steps to
tight this menace. We are hopeful that Disarmament Commission which is in the second stage
of deliberating on "Guidelines on Coventional arms control/limitation and
disarmament, with particular emotions on accommodation of peace in the context of UNGA
resolution 51/45 N, would adopt, through consensus, practical guidelines that would
contribute towards controls on the illicit transfers of small arms.
18. The process of injecting greater transparency in the global arms trade would
contribute to confidence and deserves our support. India has regularly provided
information to the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms Race since its inception.
We believe that further consolidation and universalization of the Register is necessary to
realize its full potential whereupon we will be in a better position to assess to what
extent and in which direction the process can be carried forward. It
is with this perspective that we voted in favour of UNGA resolution 52/38 R which requests
the Secretary General to prepare a report on the continuing operation of the Register with
the assistance of a Group of Governmental Experts to be convened in the year 2000.
19. The deliberations of the 1998 substantive session of the Disarmament Commission on the
Fourth Special Session of the General Assembly devoted to Disarmament had the benefit of
the resolution 52/38 F adopted without a vote. However, consensus on the objectives and
agenda of an SSOD IV remained elusive in the UNDC. The Heads of State or Government at the
Durban NAM Summit reaffirmed the need to continue to press for further steps leading to
the convening of SSOD IV with the participation of all member states of the United Nations
as well as the need for SSOD IV to review and assess the implementation of SSOD I. We
believe that other initiatives especially on the priority issue of nuclear disarmament,
would complement as well contribute to the success of SSOD IV when it is convened.
20. Mr. Chairman, we have noted with satisfaction that agreement was possible regarding
nationalization of the work and the reform of the agenda of the First Committee as well as
the revitalization, rationalization and streamlining of the work of the Disarmament
Commission. We believe that these measures, along with the able support of the Department
of Disarmament Affairs, will be a step in the direction of gearing up the disarmament
machinery for achievement of the principles and priorities, established by consensus in
the declaration and programmes of Action containing in the Final Document of SSOD I.
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