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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

20 July 1998

TRANSCRIPT: STATE DEPT. NOON BRIEFING, MONDAY, JULY 20, 1998

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING INDEX
Monday, July 20, l998
Briefer:  James P. Rubin
INDIA/PAKISTAN
12-13, 14 Sanctions Legislation
13-14 International Support for Sanctions/Deputy Secretary Talbott's
Meetings/Resolving the Rift over Kashmir/Effect of Sanctions
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING
MONDAY, JULY 20, 1998
(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)
...............
RUBIN:  Let's just move on.
Q: New subject -- talking about the US delegation to India and
Pakistan -- first, it was quick sanctions against India and Pakistan
then. Now -- a waiver -- in the US Congress and now that the US
delegation to the Indian Subcontinent. Do you think the US has
achieved what it wanted, or there is not enough global support against
India and Pakistan to punish them?
RUBIN: The two subjects -- global support and sanctions -- let me
address one by one. With respect to sanctions, we, as a result of our
sanctions legislation and a result of implementing that legislation,
have sent a powerful message to the world that to test nuclear weapons
is to cause the isolation of your country. There's no question in our
minds that both India and Pakistan have felt the sting of sanctions.
Last week we did not seek to end sanctions, and some may have breathed
a premature sigh or relief. All we sought was authority from Congress
to have the flexibility to act if India and Pakistan were to change
their positions and to join in one way or another the CTBT and other
international regimes. We have not taken the view that sanctions
should be suspended in whole or in part. On the contrary, these
sanctions remain in place; they are tough sanctions. They have
obviously stung in India and Pakistan, and that is as it should be
because the decisions were taken that we opposed.
With respect to international support, I would say this -- the
international community has rallied in an unprecedented way around a
very concrete set of requirements first laid out in the Permanent Five
meeting that was held in Geneva; reiterated in the meeting in London;
and reiterated in a number of Security Council resolutions and acts of
condemnation by the organization of American States, by European
organizations like the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. So there's
been a sweeping condemnation by the whole world of India and Pakistan;
and clearly they are uncomfortable, as they should be. The question
now is what can we do to work with them to try to get them out of the
holes that they've blown up for themselves, and to try to improve the
climate by getting them to move in the direction that we're seeking.
That is what Deputy Secretary Talbott is doing. He had meetings in New
Delhi today; he will be in Islamabad tomorrow, as I understand it. The
goals are very clear - how can we and the international community work
with India and Pakistan to bring them back into the international
non-proliferation consensus, to reduce tensions between them and
address their security concerns at the same time.
That is what Deputy Secretary Talbott is doing. That is our view on
international opposition to the tests and the subject of American
sanctions.
Q: Jamie, also, I'm sorry, to follow -- the two prime minister
meetings in Sri Lanka next week. India has always said that the Silma
agreement signed between India and Pakistan -- then Mr. Bhutto and
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1972 -- that India will stand by Silma
agreement. But do you think the US supports the Silma agreement --
that the two nations should resolve the problems of Kashmir and
whatever rift is between India and Pakistan?
RUBIN: We certainly would like the two countries to resolve their
problems peacefully. I think that's a view it would be hard to imagine
anyone could disagree with. With regard to the specific agreement and
our formal view on it, I'd rather get that for the record.
Q: Could I ask you, the US view is that sanctions -- they're punitive,
clearly. But does the US consider them corrective? I ask because
Senator Biden, for instance, who's the senior serious member of the
Senate and you used to work for him, believe.
RUBIN:  Very good taste in personnel --
Q: Well, while you were briefing one day, he made a big speech last
week; some of us tore ourselves away from the briefing to hear Senator
Biden. He said it's time to reconsider sanctions so far as changing
the behavior of nations. He said he's sorry to come to this point
because he hasn't got a sure formula to improve things, but he thinks
you've got to look at it a different way. Do you think sanctions will
get India and Pakistan to forego their nuclear programs?
RUBIN: I don't think there's any way of answering that question today.
I think we in the Administration certainly share the view that you've
attributed to Senator Biden that the sanctions pendulum has swung too
far. There's a tendency for people to think if they just impose a
sanction, they can solve a problem; it's not that simple, as we've
learned in many cases.
That doesn't mean, on the other hand, that sanctions are ineffective
all the time. It means that greater care needs to be applied in using
the tool; that we have to bear in mind the one overarching principle
that for sanctions to be effective, they are more effective the more
they are supported around the world. Unilateral sanctions, while
sometimes making people feel good, don't actually do good.
With respect to the US view and the US sanctions on India and
Pakistan, we are not alone. The best example, I would say, would be
the London meeting in which the G-8 made very clear that they were not
going to be supportive or were going to suspend consideration of loans
in the international financial institutions. There's been a wave of
change around the world in terms of assistance and dialogue and
support for the government of India and Pakistan because of what
they've done.
So these have been widely -- there's wide support for some sanction
against India and Pakistan for what they've done. We obviously have
gone farther than other countries, but many countries have taken very
strong measures. Will this work? We certainly hope so; we certainly
hope that Deputy Secretary Talbott in his meetings in Islamabad and in
New Delhi can help the governments there realize that the course of
wisdom for them, for their people and for the world will be to come
back into the fold, come back into acceptance of basic norms of the
international community.
................
(end transcript)




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