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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

USIS Washington File

18 June 1998

PRIVATE EXPERTS STRESS IMPORTANCE OF INDIA-PAKISTAN SANCTIONS

(Action could slow nuclear development, they say) (900)
By Jacquelyn S. Porth
USIA Security Affairs Writer
Washington -- A senior fellow at the Brookings Institution says it is
important for the established nuclear weapons states "to regroup" to
inhibit countries like India and Pakistan from crossing the next
critical threshold by deploying nuclear weapons on delivery systems.
Bruce Blair told the National Press Club Forum's Committee June 18
that the risk of regional war in South Asia through miscalculation or
accidental launch is now greater because both India and Pakistan lack
reliable command-and-control structures and early warning systems.
The recent tests on the subcontinent were "an eye-opener" for those
who thought the Cold War had ended and that the nuclear era was
finally "winding down," Blair said. The Indian and Pakistani tests
have done much to raise nuclear consciousness and may even suggest
that the nuclear era is just beginning, he added.
Another panelist, Joe Cirincione, a senior associate at the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, said the world may be witnessing
"the next great wave of proliferation." The crisis on the subcontinent
is still developing and is likely to get worse before it improves, he
suggested. He predicted that India and Pakistan will weaponize their
nuclear devices and subsequently deploy them.
Cirincione said every Defense Department war game ever conducted
involving India and Pakistan "always goes nuclear." These are two
countries, he pointed out, that have experienced 50 years of conflict
and three wars.
Gary Milhollin, director of the Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms
Control, said the recent Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests are merely
part of a process. The tests provided both sides with additional data
but have not really created a new situation on the subcontinent, he
said, because both countries must still solve the problem of
delivering the nuclear bombs they had already been building.
Milhollin stressed the importance of imposing serious sanctions on
India and Pakistan. If the United States were to pursue only minimal
sanctions against them, he said, it would send "a message to the rest
of the world that we don't care." Sanctions will make it harder for
the two countries to sustain and further develop their nuclear
programs, he added.
Cirincione agreed that imposing only moderate sanctions will send the
wrong message to India and Pakistan. He also said the testing by the
two countries was "an unmitigated disaster" for the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). While he said that the tests may have
the effect of energizing the international community and the Clinton
administration on the subject of non-proliferation, he admitted to
being pessimistic about such a prospect.
International efforts to cap the Indian-Pakistani nuclear effort where
it is, asking both countries to refrain from conducting further tests,
calling on the two governments to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty (CTBT), and entering into negotiations for a fissile material
cutoff treaty are all good next steps, Cirincione said. He noted that
he does not expect India and Pakistan to implement those steps even
though it is clear that nuclear tests have not made these countries
any more secure.
Jack Mendelsohn, deputy director of the Arms Control Association, said
India's weapons tests were not designed to change the strategic
equation on the subcontinent. Instead, he said, they were an attempt
to demonstrate "nuclear hair" on a party chest in India and project an
image of a country which wishes to be taken seriously.
There is still a chance to prevent destabilization in the region,
Mendelsohn suggested. He said he doesn't think India is "dead set on
nuclear deployment" because it recognizes that putting nuclear weapons
into its operational forces would be destabilizing. Pakistan,
meanwhile, is not interested in provoking the situation he said, but
rather has been caught up in an action-and-reaction chain of events.
Mendelsohn stressed the need for the international community to press
for an Indian-Pakistani moratorium on nuclear testing. Meanwhile, the
rest of the world must endorse the CTBT, he said, regardless of
actions by India and Pakistan. France and Britain have already
ratified the treaty, but he said U.S. leadership is needed because
Russia and China are waiting for the United States to act before they
do.
Mendelsohn took exception to Cirincione's analysis of the effect of
the recent nuclear tests on the NPT. He said the regime has not been
devastated by Indian and Pakistani testing. The NPT still needs to be
held up as "an international norm" of behavior because it has been
"extraordinarily valuable," he said. Although denuclearization of
India and Pakistan is a certain goal, he conceded that achieving it is
"a long way off."
Blair also highlighted the problem of Russian dependency on a doctrine
of launching nuclear weapons on any warning of possible attack. This
is particularly worrisome, he said, because Russia's nuclear control
system is deteriorating and the Year 2000 computer problem may cause
Russia's early warning system "to go haywire." Since Russia is so
strapped economically, he said, it has done little to attend to the
Y2K problem, as it is known. As a result, he suggested Russian nuclear
control may be at risk by the end of the century.
In an effort to mitigate the potential Russian problem, Blair said the
Defense Department is considering ways to feed U.S. early warning data
into Russia's system. He described this as a laudable idea, but
suggested it would be even better and safer for the U.S. and Russia to
take their weapons off alert status.




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