• Military

• WMD Menu                           

• Introduction
• Systems
• Facilities
• Agencies
• Operations
• Countries
• Hot Documents
• News
• Reports
• Policy
• Budget
• Congress
• Links

• Intelligence
• Homeland Security
• Space

In the essay below, President Kim Dae-jung outlines his policies with respect to the prospect of North Korea continuing its long-range missile program.

Today, the Korean Peninsula remains the last area of Cold War tensions. The ostensible peace on the peninsula dangles precariously from the armistice agreement (that dates to the end of the Korean War).

To find a solution to the situation, I made a three-point pledge to North Korea as soon as I was sworn in as president of the Republic of Korea. First, any armed provocations by North Korea will not be tolerated. Second, South Korea will not try to absorb North Korea. Third, the republic will seek reconciliation and cooperation with North Korea.

A test of my pledge came in June when the republic's navy in the Yellow Sea had to fend off intruding North Korean navy ships. As tensions rose, I gave clear instructions to my navy commanders to firmly defend the republic's Northern Limit Line but not to open fire first under any circumstances. I further instructed them to respond resolutely if the North Korean gunboats started shooting but to use wisdom in not escalating the situation into a war. The navy faithfully followed the guidelines I set down, and the result was the avoidance of a potentially greater tragedy.

Even in the face of such armed conflicts and warlike crisis, I made decisions based on my vision for the long-range development of friendly relations with North Korea. As a result, we made substantial advances in the North-South Korean relationship.

However, the fact remains that, despite our genuinely friendly gestures, North Korea has not shown much indication that it is changing its hostile ways in any fundamental sense. A case in point is the suspicion that North Korea is preparing to test fire a long-range missile soon. Pyongyang's missile development must be dealt with seriously because it affects peace on the peninsula and in all of Northeast Asia.

Since it is known that North Korea recently repaired its missile launch pad and tested its rocket engines, the international community is quite apprehensive. There is no solid evidence that a test firing is imminent, but there is no denying the fact that Pyongyang is well equipped with the technology and capability to launch a long-range missile.

North Korea has all along been stressing that it has a "lawful right as an independent sovereign state" to develop missiles. But its claim misses the point because its missiles can reach far beyond its territory over the Pacific Ocean, disturbing peace in the Asia-Pacific region.

Considering the ramifications of the North Korean plan, I feel it is incumbent upon us to wage a diplomatic effort to preclude the missile launch. To deter the test firing, we have to try to both persuade and pressure the North Koreans. We are making it clear to the authorities in Pyongyang that such provocations will be repaid with severe pain and a high price while, on the other hand, if they shift their attitudes to reconciliation and cooperation, it would bring them more benefit.

In close coordination with the United States and Japan, South Korea is in the forefront of the effort to preclude test firing by the North Koreans. In the Korea-U.S. summit talks on July 2, President Clinton and I issued a warning to North Korea that the missile scheme would cause a serious, negative consequence to itself and agreed to try to dissuade Pyongyang jointly and resolutely. Upon returning home from the United States, I talked with Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi of Japan on the telephone concerning this issue.

I also pointed out to President Jiang Zemin of China and President Boris Yeltsin of Russia the grave impact that North Korea's test firing would exert on the international community and asked them to dissuade Pyongyang.

Since then, China has been taking the view that it opposes proliferation of weapons of mass destruction on the Korean Peninsula and has said publicly that Beijing would play a constructive role in maintaining peace and stability in the region. Russia, too, supports our gradual engagement policies toward Pyongyang.

Quite recently, North Korea has given some positive response to our offer to talk, and that is a very desirable change. Nonetheless, we have to prepare countermeasures to take when and if North Korea actually launches its missile.

When that happens, South Korea, the United States and Japan will have to come up with strong and effective diplomatic as well as economic sanctions against Pyongyang, including suspension of material support. The heat generated by the international outcry will be unbearable, and the pain of being further isolated from the outside world be deeply felt.

We do not ever want to have a confrontation with North Korea. We are willing to reward Pyongyang accordingly when it ceases production of weapons of mass destruction and stops pursuing military conflict with us.

When and if North Korea decides to take a course toward peace, first, there will be a guarantee of North Korea's security. Second, its economic reconstruction will be actively supported. Third, it will be treated as a respected member of the international community.

This will bring Pyongyang security and benefits. I have a sincere desire to help our brethren in the North emotionally and materially and to end the threat of another war on the peninsula once and for all.

We will do everything we can to prevent Pyongyang from launching its missile. However, if they do proceed with the launch, our efforts to freeze nuclear development on the peninsula will continue through the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization. We will maintain our efforts to talk North Korea out of developing missiles. We will keep trying to engage Pyongyang constructively in the peace process. We are determined to dismantle the last vestige of the Cold War.

We will not give up under any circumstances. I am firmly convinced that the two Koreas will eventually be reconciled, grow together and eventually contribute to world peace.