28 October 1999
Text: Pickering Oct. 27 at Beijing's Foreign Affairs College
(U.S., China can work together for peace and prosperity) (2630) The United States and China can forge a more peaceful and prosperous world if they work together, according to a top American diplomat. But it will take flexibility and respect on both sides, cautioned Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thomas Pickering in an October 27 address to Chinese students at Beijing's Foreign Affairs College. "For China, Russia, and the United States to work together effectively after decades of mistrust is not easy," Pickering said. "Yet we recognize that it is essential." Referring to remarks by Chinese President Jiang Zemin, Pickering said China and the United States bear "major responsibilities in preserving peace and stability and promoting economic development, not only in the Asia-Pacific region, but also in the world." American and China "should expand our already growing trade and investment relationship, pursue our common interests and narrow our differences," he said. Pickering observed that the United States has "a clear national interest in a constructive, resilient, relationship with China" and warned that a hostile relationship between the two Asia-Pacific powers "would be disastrous." But, he added, constructive, cooperative relations between the two nations would allow them to "to coordinate efforts to address international, foreign policy, economic and environmental challenges." "No longer are we only trying to balance separate agendas. Instead we are often discussing how best to realize our overlapping agendas," he said. The U.S. diplomat said the United States and China could accomplish more by working together for a particular goal than they could by each working independently for that same goal. In America, Pickering said, there is discussion about what is the appropriate role for the United States. The discussion reflects the fact that the world has changed, he noted. "The end of the Cold War presents many new opportunities for international comity," Pickering said. "It also sets the stage for considering the philosophical underpinnings of our diplomacy." In Russia, China and America, Pickering observed, people "are coming to recognize that it in our own national interests to work together: to coordinate our efforts to prevent and manage regional conflicts; to prevent the proliferation of destructive weapons; to build the architecture for an open global economy; and to preserve our common global environment." China and America, Pickering told the future diplomats, "can contribute most to the world and to our citizens when we work together to open markets, prevent conflicts, aid those in need, and ensure that our use of today's resources leaves a future for our children." Following is the text of Pickering's remarks: (begin text) Remarks of Thomas R. Pickering Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs October 27, 1999 At the Foreign Affairs College Beijing, People's Republic of China Thank you very much for asking me to join you today. It is a real pleasure to be here at the Foreign Affairs College. Diplomacy has been my life's work, and I can think of no other career that is as fascinating, personally as rewarding, or which could have provided me a better opportunity to serve my country. Nor can I think of a more intriguing time to be a diplomat. In this new world of "globalization," a Beijing worker uses parts from Korea to produce TV's for export to South America. A Beijing banker buys currency future contracts from markets in Tokyo and London. All of this is possible due to the virtual universality of information. Satellite TV and radio, expanded international telephone and fax services, the growth of cell phone service and the Internet have opened up new economic opportunities for people around the world. Within the United States, there is much discussion about the appropriate role for the United States overseas. The debate is spurred by a sense that the world has changed. The end of the Cold War presents many new opportunities for international comity. It also sets the stage for considering the philosophical underpinnings of our diplomacy. Similarly, "globalization" has opened up new economic opportunities for people around the world. But this new, intricate set of economic and cultural ties requires a flexible, very active diplomacy to ensure that countries work well together to preserve a peaceful environment for exploiting the new opportunities. As we look toward these new diplomatic challenges, the way Americans view their neighbors is a useful model for considering how they view other countries. Our tradition of individual freedom and responsibility, closely linked to the idea of neighbor-helping-neighbor correlates with an American foreign policy based on countries cooperating with each other. Cooperation for mutual advantage is the model. In the face of great change in the last decade, this desire remains constant. So too do the actions of the United States Government. Since World War II, the United States steadily has promoted an international system that fosters peace and prosperity. It is a system based on nation-states working together, whether in the United Nations system, the international financial institutions or regional organizations and bilateral relationships. Indeed, the first step was to help both friends and former adversaries in Europe and Asia to rebuild their countries after the Second World War. The more that countries can create economic and political structures and norms by which to deal with each other, the more they can maximize the advantages of globalization, absorb the shocks, and minimize the frictions. The international financial architecture has been a primary focus of U.S. foreign policy since Bretton Woods and increasingly involves others in the international community, most notably through meetings like the new G-20 grouping or at finance ministers meetings at APEC. Working in this cooperative way is time consuming. It involves compromise and requires open dialogue and consensus building. It is truly hard work. But, the hallmark of American diplomacy is the drive to work with other countries -- not alone -- to shape a peaceful world and to raise the standard of living and personal freedom of individuals of every nationality. We can accomplish more for our countries when we work together. The pattern in Europe exemplifies this approach to foreign relations since the Second World War. The U.S. seeks a world in which countries work cooperatively and with mutual respect in the pursuit of common security, economic, technological, environmental, and health interests. The Marshall Plan, NATO and the burgeoning of what became the European Union helped bring Europe out of the devastation of World War II. Countries helped each other rebuild and, within NATO and the European Union, former enemies became close allies. As a result, people in Western Europe, Canada and the United States could live at peace with one another and demonstrate to the world the value of their cooperation, and the reality that countries which were once at war with each other can indeed learn to work together. With the end of the Cold War, we see the possibility of a world no longer divided into antagonistic blocs. We can tap the positive potential for mutually beneficial cooperation between the three largest contenders of the Cold War: China, Russia, and the United States. In the post-Cold War world, relations among these three countries will be more fluid, and will still involve elements of competition. But all of us are coming to recognize that it in our own national interests to work together: to coordinate our efforts to prevent and manage regional conflicts; to prevent the proliferation of destructive weapons; to build the architecture for an open global economy; and to preserve our common global environment. For China, Russia, and the United States to work together effectively after decades of mistrust is not easy. It takes flexibility and mutual respect. Yet we recognize that it is essential. A few thoughts, first on Russia and then on China from my own perspective in the United States. --We are encouraging Russia's engagement in the international system. This is particularly applicable in Europe, where our mutual interests are keenest and where neuralgic trigger points lie. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the NATO-Russia partnership, and the cooperation in the Balkans give Russia a role, when it chooses to take advantage of that. -- Building on our cooperation in Bosnia, we are working together now in Kosovo. While differences over the use of force remain, Russia and NATO did join together in building a cease-fire and the UN peacekeeping operation now at work in Kosovo. --We continue to work with Russia on arms control issues, such as a review of the ABM treaty to permit a limited missile defense system and on START III, as well as on efforts to thwart proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in Iran, North Korea, Iraq, and Libya. Russia's nuclear and missile expertise and material is of special concern in this regard. --Since 1992, our support has helped deactivate almost 5,000 nuclear warheads in the former Soviet Union; to eliminate nuclear weapons from three former Soviet republics (Belarus, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan); to strengthen security of nuclear weapons and materials at more than 100 sites; and to purchase more than 60 tons of highly enriched uranium for use in nuclear power production, in an overall long-term agreement to buy 500 tons eventually. --We continue to encourage Russia's political and economic reform which is primarily Russia's job to do; we cannot do it for Russia. However, we can help in the process and we do have a serious interest in doing so. Regarding China, as President Jiang Zemin has said, China and the United States bear major responsibilities in preserving peace and stability and promoting economic development, not only in the Asia-Pacific region, but also in the world. We should expand our already growing trade and investment relationship, pursue our common interests and narrow our differences. China and the United States established diplomatic relations twenty years ago, just as China began to reach out to an increasingly globalized world. China's role in the community of nations has increased steadily since then, and the United States welcomes this. As China becomes more integrated into the international system, opportunities for cooperation are expanding. The firm basis for our relationship is the three communiques incorporating our joint support for "One China" and our view of Taiwan, including no support for "Two Chinas" or "One China, One Taiwan"; nor for Taiwan's independence; nor for its membership in international organizations in which statehood is required. I welcome in particular our work with China in dealing with the Korean peninsula and with the aftermath of India and Pakistan's nuclear tests. That cooperation is not coincidental. It is premised upon fundamental shared interests. Nuclear proliferation is not selective. It endangers all of us. The leaders of both our countries recognized this, and we have worked together on it. China has expressed its concerns over Theater Missile Defense in this region, and over National Missile Defense. On the former, no decision has been made to deploy TMD except where it is necessary to protect U.S. forces. On the latter, the proposal is to amend the ABM treaty to permit defense against rogue states without disrupting the strategic deterrent relationships that exist with others. East Timor provides an excellent example that our countries can work together to solve another sort of problem. The Security Council was able to unite in support of a UN mission with the cooperation of Indonesia, thanks to close work between our two countries. Australia is now leading that effort, with countries throughout Asia also providing troops for the peacekeeping mission. China is playing an extremely important role, both in the U.N. Security Council and as a contributor to the peacekeeping operation. In all these cases, China, the United States and others have worked together to resolve issues of common concern. In a world with disparate challenges, international responses will take various forms. Above all, we need effective solutions to problems, with members of the international community sharing the responsibility and pooling their strengths and resources. Cooperation between our two countries in the international arena is obviously an outgrowth of our bilateral relationship. This year, as in many years, we have seen a cycle of ups and downs in our bilateral relationship. Euphoria and frustration are familiar to students and practitioners of this relationship. The challenge we face, as we move the U.S.-China relationship forward into the 21st century, will be to build a structure of relations that is durable yet flexible, and that can sustain relations during periods of tension, strengthen common interests, and address common problems, while still enabling us to face differences which divide us. The United States has a clear national interest in a constructive, resilient, relationship with China not only because a hostile relationship would be disastrous, but also because of the great positive results -- and potential -- when our two countries are able to coordinate efforts to address international, foreign policy, economic and environmental challenges. No longer are we only trying to balance separate agendas. Instead we are often discussing how best to realize our overlapping agendas. It is one thing for the United States and China to work independently towards the same goals; it is another for us to make joint efforts in favor of a particular end. As the United States and China find new ways to move forward with such strategic cooperation, we must also make progress on resolving differences primarily rooted in our different political systems and values. Americans are deeply concerned about continuing detentions and arrests of members of religious, social and political organizations. We believe that if China is to reach its full potential for greatness in the Information Age, it must unlock the full power of its people, their energies, and their ideas. Looking to the future, many observers internationally seem fascinated by a debate over whether the United States and China are headed for cooperation or confrontation. I would suggest a far less stark picture. The future will continue to see a relationship marked by cooperation, punctuated at times by disagreements and misunderstanding. Through those ups and downs, we will continue to have common interests in some areas, competing interests in others. At times U.S. and Chinese companies will be partners; at times they will be competitors. At times, our governments will work together in areas upon which we agree; at other times we will take different positions where we disagree. This is both reasonable for two great countries like ours and far different from confrontation. It is the kind of engagement diplomats ought to welcome; it is the kind of challenge that will define our effectiveness in the 21st century. For diplomats are in the first line of turning confrontation into cooperation. The last decade has been marked by rapid, earth-shaking change -- change that has tied countries ever more closely together, change that has promoted economic opportunity in the far corners of the earth, change that demands active, peace-promoting diplomacy. Soon, you will have the opportunity to help shape China's foreign policy and to represent your country overseas. That is a rare opportunity. May you do so with a vision for China's future that places it firmly within the international system. We welcome your partnership wherever it is possible. Our two great countries can contribute most to the world and to our citizens when we work together to open markets, prevent conflicts, aid those in need, and ensure that our use of today's resources leaves a future for our children. Thank you very much for inviting me to join you. I look forward now to your questions. (end text) (Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State)
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