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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

DATE=07/17/99
TYPE=ON THE LINE
NUMBER=1-00757  
TITLE=WHAT DOES CHINA WANT?
EDITOR=OFFICE OF POLICY - 619-0037
CONTENT= 
THEME:           UP, HOLD UNDER AND FADE
ANNCR:           ON THE LINE -- A DISCUSSION OF UNITED STATES 
                 POLICIES AND CONTEMPORARY ISSUES.
                 THIS WEEK, "WHAT DOES CHINA WANT?"  HERE IS YOUR
                 HOST, ROBERT REILLY.
HOST:            HELLO AND WELCOME TO ON THE LINE.
                 DESPITE CHINA'S RELATIVELY LIBERAL ECONOMIC 
                 POLICIES, CHINESE PRESIDENT JIANG ZEMIN RECENTLY
                 SAID SOCIALISM WOULD DEFEAT CAPITALISM AND CHINA
                 WOULD CONTINUE TO BE GUIDED BY MARXISM.  SINCE 
                 IT SIGNED THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL 
                 AND POLITICAL RIGHTS, CHINA HAS INCREASED 
                 REPRESSION OF POLITICAL DISSIDENTS.  WHILE IT 
                 NEEDS AMERICAN SUPPORT IN ITS BID TO ENTER THE 
                 WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION, CHINA HAS BEEN 
                 UNWILLING TO PATCH UP RELATIONS WITH THE U.S. 
                 SINCE THE ACCIDENTAL NATO BOMBING OF THE CHINESE
                 EMBASSY IN BELGRADE.  THIS SEEMINGLY 
                 CONTRADICTORY BEHAVIOR HAS SOME OBSERVERS 
                 WONDERING WHAT IT IS THAT CHINA REALLY WANTS.  
                 JOINING ME TODAY TO DISCUSS CHINA AND U.S. 
                 POLICY ARE THREE EXPERTS.  JAMES LILLEY IS A 
                 FORMER U.S. AMBASSADOR TO CHINA AND DIRECTOR OF 
                 ASIAN STUDIES AT THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE 
                 INSTITUTE.  DAVID LAMPTON IS DIRECTOR OF CHINA 
                 STUDIES AT THE JOHNS HOPKINS SCHOOL FOR ADVANCED
                 INTERNATIONAL STUDIES.  AND STEPHEN YATES IS 
                 CHINA POLICY ANALYST AT THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION.
                 GENTLEMEN, WELCOME TO THE PROGRAM.
                 THE PRONOUNCEMENT BY PRESIDENT JIANG ZEMIN ON 
                 THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF MARXISM TO THE CHINESE 
                 REGIME WAS MADE AT A PARTY ANNIVERSARY EVENT, 
                 AND SOME ANALYSTS SAID IT WENT BEYOND THE SORT 
                 OF RITUAL INVOCATIONS THAT ARE EXPECTED AT SUCH 
                 AFFAIRS.  DO YOU GIVE THAT ANY KIND OF 
                 SIGNIFICANCE?
LILLEY:          NOT VERY MUCH.  I THINK BETWEEN JULY 1ST AND THE
                 BEIDAIHE ANNUAL CONFERENCE IN AUGUST, THERE IS 
                 SORT OF AN IDEOLOGICAL BELT-TIGHTENING BY THE 
                 CHINESE.  AND YOU FIND THIS IN A LOT OF THEIR 
                 PRONOUNCEMENTS.  THEY HAD A VERY UNFORTUNATE, 
                 VIOLENT STATEMENT DENOUNCING THE UNITED STATES 
                 ON THE 22ND OF JUNE IN THE PEOPLE'S DAILY, WHICH
                 IS ONE OF THE WORST THINGS I'VE SEEN SINCE THE 
                 KOREAN WAR.  THE PROPAGANDISTS TOOK OVER AND 
                 THEY WRITE THIS VERY, VERY HARSH STUFF.  BUT 
                 AGAIN, I WOULD SUGGEST THAT THE CHINESE... YOU 
                 KNOW KHRUSHCHEV SAID HE'D BURY US, AND HIS SON 
                 BECAME AN AMERICAN CITIZEN RECENTLY.  YOU MAY 
                 WANT TO THINK ABOUT THAT.
HOST:            WELL THERE ARE, OF COURSE, A LOT OF CHINESE 
                 STUDYING HERE, BUT MOST OF THEM ARE GOING HOME 
                 AND CONTRIBUTING TO WHAT HAS BECOME A MAJOR 
                 ECONOMIC RENAISSANCE IN THAT COUNTRY.  DAVID 
                 LAMPTON, WHAT DO YOU THINK ABOUT THESE 
                 CONTRADICTIONS THAT I ALLUDED TO IN THE 
                 INTRODUCTION?  DOES IT REFLECT CONFUSION ON 
                 THEIR PART, OR ON OUR PART?
LAMPTON:         WELL, I THINK ONE OF THE CENTRAL DEVELOPMENTS IN
                 CHINA IS THAT IT'S BECOMING MORE PLURALISTIC.  
                 YOU ARE HAVING THE RISE OF DIFFERENT ECONOMIC 
                 INTEREST GROUPS.  DEVELOPMENT HAS CREATED 
                 GREATER DISPARITIES BETWEEN RICH COASTAL 
                 PROVINCES AND THE INLAND.  SO CHINA IS, IN A 
                 SENSE, BECOMING A MORE NORMAL POLITY -- AND I 
                 THINK IT'S INCONCEIVABLE THAT YOU WOULD EXPECT A
                 KIND OF IDENTITY OF VIEWS AMONG ONE POINT TWO 
                 BILLION PEOPLE.  AND I THINK PROBABLY ONE OF THE
                 GREATEST EVIDENCES OF SOME POLITICAL CHANGE -- I
                 AM NOT SAYING LIBERAL, DEMOCRATIC REFORM, BUT 
                 POLITICAL CHANGE -- IS THE FACT THAT WE ARE 
                 HEARING MORE VOICES FROM CHINA.
HOST:            BUT WHAT VOICES?  I MEAN, THE WHOLE POINT IS 
                 THAT WE ARE HEARING OLD AND TIRED 
                 MARXIST-LENINIST DENUNCIATIONS OF THE UNITED 
                 STATES AND DEFENSES OF SOCIALIST ECONOMIC ORDER.
LAMPTON:         WELL, YOU CERTAINLY HEAR THAT IN THE PEOPLE'S 
                 DAILY AND XINHUA [NEWS AGENCY] AND THE GUANGMING
                 DAILY, AND SO FORTH.  BUT THE POINT IS THAT 
                 THAT'S A RELATIVELY SMALL PART.  IT'S ONLY ABOUT
                 THIRTY PERCENT OF THE MEDIA IN CHINA NOW THAT 
                 ARE PARTY-CONTROLLED.  SEVENTY PERCENT ARE NOT. 
                 I WAS JUST AT BEIJING UNIVERSITY.  NINETY 
                 PERCENT OF THE STUDENTS THERE HAVE INTERNET 
                 ACCOUNTS.  THEY ARE FULLY ACQUAINTED WITH WHAT'S
                 GOING ON IN THE WORLD, OR AT LEAST HAVE THE 
                 OPPORTUNITY TO BE.  SO I THINK YOU HAVE THIS 
                 ANOMALOUS SITUATION WHERE, AS JIM SAID, THE 
                 PROPAGANDISTS ARE IN CHARGE OF THE COMMANDING 
                 HEIGHTS, BUT THE GROUND IS ERODING OUT FROM 
                 UNDERNEATH THAT STRUCTURE.
HOST:            WELL, STEPHEN YATES, IS THAT THE CASE?  ARE THE 
                 PROPAGANDISTS REFLECTING THE LEADERSHIP, WHICH 
                 IS STILL IN MORE OR LESS IN ABSOLUTE CONTROL OF 
                 THE COUNTRY?
YATES:           THE PROPAGANDISTS HAVE RUN CHINA FOR A VERY LONG
                 TIME, AND I THINK IT'S GOING TO TAKE A LONG TIME
                 TO GET THIS OUT OF THE PUBLIC SYSTEM.  IF YOU 
                 ARE TALKING ABOUT WHY THE STUDENTS REACTED THE 
                 WAY THEY DID AFTER THE ACCIDENTAL BOMBING IN 
                 BELGRADE, I DON'T THINK THE GOVERNMENT CREATED 
                 THAT KIND OF EMOTION.  THEY CERTAINLY 
                 FACILITATED IT AND THEY CHANNELED IT, BUT I 
                 THINK THAT MANY YEARS OF PROPAGANDA AND 
                 GOVERNMENT POSTURING HAS SUNK INTO A LOT OF 
                 PEOPLE'S MINDSETS.  AND WHEN YOU ASK THEM ABOUT 
                 SENSITIVE ISSUES, LIKE TAIWAN, LIKE HUMAN 
                 RIGHTS, YOU'D BE AMAZED AT THE CONTINUITY OF 
                 RESPONSES YOU GET ACROSS THE SPECTRUM IN CHINA. 
                 I JUST THINK THAT THIS KIND OF MINDSET GOES 
                 VERY, VERY DEEP.
HOST:            WHAT ABOUT THE CHINESE BEHAVIOR AFTER THE 
                 ACCIDENTAL BOMBING OF THE CHINESE EMBASSY IN 
                 BELGRADE?  YOU WERE U.S AMBASSADOR TO BEIJING, 
                 JAMES LILLEY.  HOW DO YOU EXPLAIN THE BEHAVIOR 
                 OF THE GOVERNMENT IN, AS STEPHEN YATES SAID, 
                 "FACILITATING" THESE MOB ATTACKS ON U.S. 
                 DIPLOMATIC POSTS IN CHINA?  WHAT WERE THE 
                 CHINESE TRYING TO GAIN FROM THAT?
LILLEY:          I WAS IN BEIJING AT A VERY DIFFERENT TIME.  THEY
                 HAD JUST USED VIOLENCE TO PUT DOWN THE 
                 DEMONSTRATORS AT TIANANMEN.  AND THEY HAD 
                 RECEIVED DISAPPROVAL FROM ALL OVER THE WORLD, 
                 AND THEY WERE VERY MUCH ON THE DEFENSIVE.  AND 
                 SO THERE WAS A SENSE AT THAT TIME, WHEN I WAS IN
                 BEIJING, THAT THE DEMONSTRATORS, THE POPULACE, 
                 WAS VERY MUCH WITH AMERICA. UNFORTUNATELY, I 
                 THINK THAT'S CHANGED.  AND I THINK PART OF IT IS
                 WHAT STEVE SAID: IT'S BEEN DRILLED INTO THEM.  
                 BUT THERE IS ALSO A LARGE RESERVOIR OF 
                 ANTI-FOREIGNISM IN CHINA.  MY GOD, READ THE 
                 HISTORY OF THE 19TH CENTURY.  AND WHAT HAPPENED 
                 TO THEM: THE OPIUM WAR, THE MARCH ON THE SUMMER 
                 PALACE, THE BURNING DOWN, ISSUE AFTER ISSUE, THE
                 JAPANESE OCCUPATION.  THEY HAVE A REAL HANGUP ON
                 FOREIGNERS, BUT THIS IS DRILLED IN THROUGH THE 
                 EDUCATION AND PROPAGANDA SYSTEM.  AND YOU THROW 
                 A MATCH INTO THAT GASOLINE, AND IT INFLAMES.  
                 AND THE BOMBING WAS USED TO BRING OUT, I THINK, 
                 THE WORST PART OF THIS WHOLE FEELING OF 
                 ANTI-FOREIGNISM DIRECTED AGAINST US.
HOST:            BUT DO WE KNOW WHAT THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT WOULD
                 HOPE TO GAIN BY HELPING INCITE AND CHANNELING 
                 ...
LILLEY:          WELL, I THINK A NUMBER OF THINGS.  FIRST OF ALL 
                 THEY DIVERT PUBLIC DISSATISFACTION FROM THEM.  
                 THIS IS AN OLD TECHNIQUE IN CHINA.  DIVERT IT TO
                 AN ANTI-FOREIGN, RATHER THAN HAVE IT TURN 
                 AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT.  I THINK NUMBER TWO, 
                 THEY WERE VERY DISTURBED AT KOSOVO.  WHAT 
                 HAPPENED THERE? NATO INTERVENTION ON BEHALF OF 
                 AN ETHNIC MINORITY AGAINST A SOVEREIGN STATE, 
                 USING MILITARY MEANS.  THIS DRIVES THEM UP THE 
                 WALL ON TAIWAN AND TIBET.  THAT WAS AN 
                 IDEOLOGICAL ISSUE.  THE EMBASSY MADE IT A HIGHLY
                 EMOTIONAL ONE.  THEY GOT THE PEOPLE BEHIND THEM,
                 AND THEN THEY HAVE THESE EDITORIALS ABOUT THE 
                 UNITED STATES BEING WORSE THAN HITLER, OUR 
                 TREATING OF THE SERBS WORSE THAN THE HOLOCAUST. 
                 REALLY, VERY DAMNING STUFF.
HOST:            LET ME JUST INTERJECT WITH DAVID LAMPTON, TO SEE
                 IF THIS MIGHT NOT BE PART OF A LARGER STRATEGY 
                 BY A REGIME WHICH IS USING AS ITS JUSTIFICATION 
                 WHAT MANY PEOPLE CALL A "DEAD IDEOLOGY," AND 
                 THAT THEY ARE TRYING TO SHIFT THE JUSTIFICATION 
                 FOR THEIR EXERCISE OF POWER FROM MARXISM TO A 
                 RESUSCITATED NATIONALISM.  DOES THAT MAKE SENSE?
LAMPTON:         WELL, I THINK IT MAKES SENSE.  I THINK IT'S IN 
                 PART A DESCRIPTION OF WHAT'S GOING ON.  BUT I 
                 THINK YOU HAVE TO ASK, WHY IS IT THEY THINK 
                 THESE APPEALS TO XENOPHOBIA OR ANTI-FOREIGNISM 
                 ARE GOING TO BE EFFECTIVE?  AND THAT IS BECAUSE 
                 I THINK THERE IS A GENERAL SENSE AMONG THE 
                 CHINESE POPULACE, PARTLY REFLECTING THE 
                 PROPAGANDA, BUT PARTLY REFLECTING THE DESIRE OF 
                 THE CHINESE PEOPLE SINCE THE 19TH CENTURY TO 
                 BECOME STRONG AND POWERFUL.  AND THEY SEE THEIR 
                 FIRST CHANCE IN A HUNDRED PLUS YEARS, AND THEY 
                 SEE THE UNITED STATES, I THINK, POPULARLY, NOT 
                 JUST THE PROPAGANDA APPARATUS, THAT SOMEHOW THE 
                 UNITED STATES IS AT LEAST AMBIVALENT ABOUT 
                 CHINA'S RISE, PERHAPS OPPOSED STRATEGICALLY TO 
                 CHINA'S RISE.  AND WHAT STRUCK ME WHEN I WAS AT 
                 BEIJING UNIVERSITY AND MET IN RELATIVELY FREE 
                 CIRCUMSTANCES, THE MOST ANTI-FOREIGN VIEWS, THE 
                 MOST ANTI-AMERICAN VIEWS I HEARD, WERE ON THE 
                 CAMPUS.  THEY WEREN'T IN THE FOREIGN MINISTRY.  
                 THEY WEREN'T CERTAINLY IN THE MINISTRY OF 
                 FOREIGN ECONOMICS AND TRADE.  THEY WERE, IN 
                 FACT, ON THE CAMPUSES.  AND I THINK THE CHINESE 
                 GOVERNMENT, IN PART, PLAYED THE ORGANIZING ROLE 
                 IN THESE DEMONSTRATIONS, BECAUSE THEY FEARED IF 
                 THEY DID NOT GET OUT IN FRONT OF THIS NATIONAL 
                 SENTIMENT, IT MIGHT BE DIRECTED AT THEM.
HOST:            STEPHEN YATES, WHAT ABOUT THE IRONY HERE, IF YOU
                 AGREE WITH DAVID LAMPTON, THAT CHINA DESIRES TO 
                 TAKE ITS PLACE IN THE SUN AS A GREAT POWER, YET 
                 IT'S BASICALLY DEPENDENT UPON THE UNITED STATES 
                 FOR THE MEANS TO GAIN THAT KIND OF POWER.  
                 SHOULD THE UNITED STATES, OBSERVING THAT, 
                 PROVIDE THE MEANS?
YATES:           WELL, I THINK THAT WE WANT TO PROVIDE THE MEANS 
                 FOR POSITIVE CHANGE IN CHINA.  IT'S NOT CLEAR 
                 WHICH DIRECTION CHINA IS GOING TO GO.  WE SEE A 
                 DYING OR DEAD IDEOLOGY.  SOME MAY OR MAY NOT SEE
                 THAT WITHIN CHINA.  BUT WHAT'S CLEAR TO ME IS 
                 THAT WHEN YOU ARE ABLE TO EXPAND THE PRIVATE 
                 SECTOR AND EXPAND FREEDOM FOR PEOPLE INSIDE 
                 CHINA, IN A SMALL WAY YOU EMPOWER THEM TO TAKE 
                 GREATER CONTROL OF THEIR LIVES.  WHETHER THEY 
                 CHOOSE OUR FORM OF DEMOCRACY, OR SOMETHING ELSE,
                 WE BELIEVE THERE WILL BE AN INCREASE IN FREEDOM,
                 THEY'LL BE BETTER OFF.  WE SHOULD HELP 
                 FACILITATE THAT KIND OF CHANGE. BUT AT THE SAME 
                 TIME WE DON'T HAVE TO PREDICT WHEN THIS IS GOING
                 TO HAPPEN OR TRY TO DICTATE TERMS.  I THINK WHAT
                 PROBLEM WE FACE DEALING WITH CHINA IS THEY DON'T
                 WANT A JUNIOR PARTNER RELATIONSHIP.  WE LOOK AT 
                 OUR RELATIONS WITH JAPAN.  WE HAVE A GOOD AND 
                 VERY CLOSE RELATIONSHIP, A SECURITY TREATY, BUT 
                 IT'S A JUNIOR PARTNERSHIP.  AND I THINK CHINA 
                 WANTS VERY VERY MUCH TO AVOID BEING VIEWED AS 
                 THE JUNIOR PARTNER.  THEY WANT RESPECT.  THEY 
                 WANT TO BE ABLE TO DICTATE SOME TERMS.  THEY MAY
                 NOT NECESSARILY WANT TO CLASH HEAD TO HEAD, BUT 
                 THEY DEFINITELY WANT TO PULL US DOWN TO THEIR 
                 LEVEL AND LOOK THEM IN THE EYE AND DEAL WITH 
                 THEM AS EQUALS, AND THAT SEEMS TO BE THEIR 
                 DESIRE. SO IF YOU ASK ME WHAT DO THEY WANT, I 
                 THINK THEY WANT THIS KIND OF RESPECT.
HOST:            WELL, WHAT DOES THAT MEAN IN PRACTICAL TERMS?
YATES:           WELL, IN PRACTICAL TERMS, I THINK THERE IS AN 
                 IDEOLOGICAL GULF BETWEEN US.  IT ISN'T 
                 NECESSARILY CONFRONTATIONAL, BUT IT EXISTS.  
                 FIRST OF ALL, THEY PUT SOVEREIGNTY AND UNITY AS 
                 THEIR NUMBER ONE PRIORITIES.  WE STATE FREEDOM, 
                 DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS.  THIS CAME TO THE TEST 
                 IN KOSOVO. WE SIDED WITH FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY 
                 AND HUMAN RIGHTS.  THEY SIDED WITH UNITY AND 
                 SOVEREIGNTY.  THIS IS BASIC TO OUR DIFFERENCES 
                 ON TAIWAN.  THAT'S AN IDEOLOGICAL SEPARATION, 
                 BUT IT DOESN'T HAVE TO BE CONFRONTATION.  BUT ON
                 THE OTHER SIDE, CHINA WANTS TO BE ABLE TO BE 
                 SECURE.  THEY FEEL VERY INSECURE IN MANY WAYS, 
                 PARTICULARLY THEIR SEA COAST.  THEY NEED TO HAVE
                 A BUFFER ZONE AROUND THEIR SEA COAST THAT LETS 
                 THEIR MOST PROSPEROUS AREAS THRIVE.  AND WHAT DO
                 THEY RUN INTO?  IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA, THE 
                 SEVENTH FLEET.  IN TAIWAN, THE TAIWAN RELATIONS 
                 ACT.  IN JAPAN, THE U.S.-JAPANESE SECURITY 
                 TREATY WITH GUIDELINES EXPANDED, AND A 
                 PREDOMINANT POSITION OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE
                 KOREAN PENINSULA.  SO WHERE THEY ARE TEMPTED TO 
                 INCREASE THEIR INFLUENCE, THEY RUN INTO US.  NOW
                 AGAIN, THIS DOESN'T HAVE TO BE CONFRONTATIONAL. 
                 THIS CAN BE WORKED OUT.  BUT WE CAN'T MINIMIZE 
                 THE DIFFICULTIES WHEN WE HAVE THESE INTERSECTING
                 INTERESTS.
HOST:            ALL RIGHT.  LET'S TALK ABOUT THE STRATEGIC 
                 SITUATION FOR A MOMENT, IF WE MAY, WHICH YOU 
                 SPELLED OUT VERY NICELY FROM THEIR PERSPECTIVE. 
                 WHAT ABOUT THE PERSPECTIVE OF, SAY, JAPAN, WHICH
                 YOU DESCRIBED SOMEWHAT UNCOMFORTABLY AS A JUNIOR
                 PARTNER OF THE UNITED STATES?  IF CHINA ASSUMES 
                 ITS PLACE AS A GREAT POWER, WHICH UNDOUBTEDLY IT
                 IS BECOMING, WHAT DOES THAT MEAN FOR SOUTHEAST 
                 ASIA AND WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR JAPAN?  IF THEY 
                 REUNIFY WITH TAIWAN, EITHER PEACEFULLY OR 
                 OTHERWISE, IF THEY CONTINUE THEIR ACTIVITIES IN 
                 THE SOUTH CHINA SEA AND THE SPRATLYS AND THE 
                 PARACEL ISLANDS, THEY'RE GOING TO HAVE A 
                 CHOKEHOLD ON THE SEA LANES FOR MUCH OF THE 
                 WORLD'S ECONOMY.  WHAT WILL JAPAN DO IN A 
                 SITUATION LIKE THAT?
LAMPTON:         WELL, I THINK WE SORT OF HAVE TO WALK AND CHEW 
                 GUM AT THE SAME TIME, AND HOLD SOME COMPETING 
                 THOUGHTS IN OUR MIND AS WE THINK ABOUT THIS.  
                 FIRST OF ALL, YOU SAID THAT CHINA NEEDS OUR HELP
                 TO DEVELOP, IN YOUR PREVIOUS QUESTION.  THAT'S 
                 TRUE AT ONE LEVEL, BUT I THINK CHINA 
                 STRATEGICALLY IS GOING TO DEVELOP MAYBE SLOWER, 
                 MAYBE FASTER, DEPENDING ON THE KIND OF 
                 RELATIONSHIP IT HAS WITH THE UNITED STATES, BUT 
                 CHINA IS GOING TO DEVELOP, AND WE OUGHT TO PLAN 
                 ON IT STRATEGICALLY FROM THAT POINT OF VIEW.  I 
                 THINK THAT STRATEGICALLY, LOOKING AT BIG POWER 
                 RELATIONS, IT'S GOING TO BE IMPOSSIBLE TO 
                 MAINTAIN PEACE IN ASIA IF THE UNITED STATES, 
                 JAPAN, AND CHINA ARE NOT IN SOME KIND OF 
                 PRODUCTIVE, MODESTLY HARMONIOUS POSITION.  AND 
                 IT IS NOT IN THE INTERESTS OF THE UNITED STATES 
                 TO THINK ABOUT PLAYING JAPAN AND THE UNITED 
                 STATES OFF AGAINST CHINA, OR ANY OF THESE 
                 COMBINATIONS.  WE HAVE TO BEGIN TO THINK HOW TO 
                 WORK OUT A REASONABLE WAY.  THE JAPANESE ARE 
                 WORRIED ABOUT THIS.  MANY OF THE SOUTHEAST 
                 ASIANS ARE WORRIED WHETHER THEY CAN DEAL WITH A 
                 POWERFUL CHINA.  BUT ONE THING WE CAN BE ASSURED
                 OF: IF WE DEFINE CHINA AS THE ENEMY NOW, IT IS 
                 GOING TO HAVE NO CHOICE ITSELF BUT TO ACQUIRE 
                 THE CAPABILITY TO DEAL WITH THAT.
HOST:            BUT CHINA MAY NOT SIMPLY BE DRIVEN BY HOW WE 
                 THINK OF THEM.  HOW DO THEY THINK OF THEMSELVES?
LAMPTON:         I THINK THEY SEE THEMSELVES OCCUPYING A POSITION
                 IN ASIA WHERE NO SIGNIFICANT THING CAN HAPPEN IN
                 EAST ASIA THAT'S CONTRARY TO THEIR INTERESTS 
                 WITHOUT THEM HAVING A MAJOR SAY-SO.  AND THAT IN
                 SOME SENSE, I THINK, RUNS CONTRARY TO WHAT THE 
                 U.S. DEFINES AS ITS OBJECTIVE.
HOST:            SO, STEPHEN YATES, HOW DO YOU HARMONIZE THAT?  I
                 THINK THAT DAVID LAMPTON SPELLED OUT BEAUTIFULLY
                 WHAT OUGHT TO BE THE DIPLOMATIC OBJECTIVE FOR 
                 THE NEXT HALF CENTURY.  IT'S JUST HOW COULD YOU 
                 POSSIBLY ACHIEVE IT WHEN THE COMPETING INTERESTS
                 SEEM TO CLASH.
YATES:           WELL, IT'S GOING TO TAKE SOME TIME BEFORE CHINA 
                 COULD FORCE THE UNITED STATES FROM ASIA IN ANY 
                 SIGNIFICANT WAY.  WE ASSUMEDLY WILL NOT STAND 
                 STILL.  NEITHER WILL OUR FRIENDS AND ALLIES IN 
                 THE REGION.  WE CAN HOPE THAT WE ARE RIGHT ABOUT
                 HISTORICAL TRENDS AND THAT FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY
                 ARE GOING TO CONTINUE TO SPREAD IN ASIA.
HOST:            WITHOUT SAYING THAT'S GOING TO HAPPEN, WOULD ONE
                 OF THE THINGS THE UNITED STATES AND ITS ALLIES 
                 HAVE TO DO, GIVEN THE STRATEGIC MODERNIZATION OF
                 CHINESE MISSILES, BE A MISSILE DEFENSE?
YATES:           I THINK SO.  I THINK THAT EVERYONE HAS A RIGHT 
                 TO PROTECT THEMSELVES.  AND IF YOU'RE GOING TO 
                 JUDGE WHO IS THE AGGRESSOR AND WHO IS LEGITIMATE
                 IN EMPLOYING MILITARY MEANS IN THEIR DEFENSE, 
                 MISSILE DEFENSE IN MY VIEW IS JUST THAT:  
                 DEFENSE.  THE THREAT IS THE MISSILE, NOT THE 
                 SYSTEM TO KNOCK IT OUT OF THE SKY.  BUT I JUST 
                 THINK THE UNITED STATES NEEDS TO REALLY FOLLOW 
                 WHAT WAS MEANT BY COMPREHENSIVE ENGAGEMENT, TO 
                 TRY TO HELP ECONOMIES DEVELOP AND BUILD THE 
                 INFRASTRUCTURE NECESSARY FOR FREE MARKETS TO 
                 WORK IN ASIA, TO BUILD POLITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE 
                 TO ALLOW FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY TO SPREAD.  BUT 
                 AT THE SAME TIME YOU HAVE TO HEDGE YOUR BETS AND
                 MAKE SURE YOU'RE DEFENDING YOURSELF AGAINST ANY 
                 MAJOR CHALLENGE ALONG THE WAY.
HOST:            ALL RIGHT, THAT'S GOING TO TAKE US BACK TO THE 
                 BIG ECONOMIC ISSUES, WHICH WERE DERAILED BY THIS
                 UNFORTUNATE ACCIDENT IN BELGRADE, AND THE WORLD 
                 TRADE ORGANIZATION.  THE EUROPEAN UNION RECENTLY
                 AGREED WITH CHINA OVER THE TERMS OF ITS ENTRY.  
                 WHAT DOES THE IMMEDIATE FUTURE HOLD IN THAT 
                 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES
                 ON GETTING CHINA INTO THE WORLD TRADE 
                 ORGANIZATION?
LILLEY:          WELL, IN MY VIEW IT'S THE NUMBER ONE PRIORITY 
                 NOW.  IF YOU BRING CHINA INTO THE WORLD TRADE 
                 ORGANIZATION, LET'S SAY BY NOVEMBER, AND TAIWAN 
                 ENTERS TOO, UNDER THE ARRANGEMENT THAT'S BEEN 
                 WORKED OUT, THIS IS THE MOST IMPORTANT THING WE 
                 CAN DO IN THE NEXT FIVE MONTHS.  I MEAN, WE HAVE
                 A PROBLEM IN THE CHINESE REQUIRING A MORE 
                 EXPANSIVE EXPLANATION FOR WHAT HAPPENED AND 
                 COMPENSATION, BUT WE HOPE THAT THAT WILL SPIN 
                 ITSELF OUT AS WE HAVE BEGUN TO DISCUSS 
                 COMPENSATION WITH THEM AND THAT WE CAN GET VERY 
                 QUICKLY INTO THE NITTY-GRITTY OF A DEAL WHICH IS
                 VERY VERY GOOD FOR THE UNITED STATES.
HOST:            AND I ASK ANY OF YOU TO RESPOND: IS THE PROBLEM 
                 THAT HAS NOW ARISEN BECAUSE OF PRESIDENT LEE IN 
                 TAIWAN REDEFINING THE NATURE OF THE RELATIONSHIP
                 WITH THE MAINLAND, SAYING IT'S NOW A "SPECIAL 
                 STATE TO STATE" RELATIONSHIP, RATHER THAN A 
                 POLITICAL ENTITY, IS THIS GOING TO SPILL OVER 
                 INTO THE U.S.-CHINA RELATIONSHIP?
LAMPTON:         WELL, I THINK OUR OBJECTIVE SHOULD BE TO HAVE AS
                 LITTLE SPILLOVER AS POSSIBLE.  THERE IS 
                 CERTAINLY THAT POSSIBILITY.  BUT I THINK THIS 
                 MAKES AN AGREEMENT ON W-T-O EVEN MORE IMPORTANT 
                 BECAUSE AT THE SAME TIME WE HAVE THESE 
                 INEVITABLE FRICTIONS WITH THE P-R-C, WE'VE GOT 
                 TO HAVE SOME POSITIVE CORNER OF THE 
                 RELATIONSHIP, WHERE ALL SIDES ARE BENEFITTING.  
                 AND AS JIM SAID, THIS IS AN AGREEMENT THAT'S 
                 ENORMOUSLY IN THE AMERICAN INTEREST.  AND I 
                 THINK ONCE AMERICANS UNDERSTAND WHAT THE 
                 POSSIBILITIES ARE HERE, WE'LL WONDER WHY WE 
                 DIDN'T TAKE THE DEAL IN APRIL.
HOST:            AND DO YOU HAVE ANY FEAR THAT CHINA WILL BALK 
                 NOW IN OFFERING THE SAME SET OF TERMS WITH BOTH 
                 THE BELGRADE MISHAP AND THIS NEW PROVOCATION -- 
                 THE CHINESE WOULD CALL IT A PROVOCATION -- FROM 
                 TAIWAN?
LAMPTON:         WELL, I THINK THAT DOESN'T HELP THE REFORMERS 
                 AND THOSE PEOPLE IN FAVOR OF A MORE OPEN POLICY.
                 IT STRENGTHENS THE MILITARY AND THE 
                 PROPAGANDISTS, YET MODESTLY MAKES IT MORE 
                 DIFFICULT TO GET THE KIND OF DEAL WE COULD HAVE 
                 HAD IN APRIL.  AND IT PROBABLY IS GOING TO UP 
                 THE VOLUME OF ANTI-TAIWAN AND ANTI-AMERICAN 
                 PROPAGANDA FOR AN ADDITIONAL PERIOD OF TIME, I 
                 WOULD GUESS.
HOST:            WHAT IS YOUR VIEW, STEVE?
YATES:           I THINK THE W-T-O IS PROBABLY THE ONLY AREA WE 
                 HAVE THAT'S POSSIBLE FOR COOPERATION AND 
                 PROGRESS IN THE NEAR FUTURE.  AND THE KEY TO 
                 REALLY MAKING THIS WORK, AND TO TIE IN WITH THE 
                 LEE TENG-HUI STATEMENT, IS BRINGING TAIWAN ALONG
                 AT THE SAME TIME.  WHAT I AM TOLD MOTIVATED THE 
                 LEE STATEMENT WAS THIS NOTION THAT TAIWAN HAD 
                 BEEN GOING ALONG WITH THE PHRASE "CO-EQUAL 
                 POLITICAL ENTITIES" FOR A LONG TIME, AND CHINA 
                 HAD USED IT TO SQUEEZE THEM OUT OF INTERNATIONAL
                 ORGANIZATIONS.  IF YOU'RE ABLE, IN A 
                 CONSTRUCTIVE WAY, TO BRING TAIWAN INTO A 
                 SUBSTANTIAL INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION, IT 
                 ADDRESSES THAT CORE MOTIVATION TO SOME DEGREE.  
                 AND YOU GET A GOOD DEAL FOR ALL PARTIES.  
                 TAIWAN'S MARKET IS VERY IMPORTANT TO THE UNITED 
                 STATES.  CHINA'S MARKET IS VERY IMPORTANT TO THE
                 UNITED STATES.  AND BOTH OF THOSE PARTIES HAVE 
                 THE INCENTIVE TO IMPROVE THEIR ECONOMIC 
                 INFRASTRUCTURES THAT WILL BENEFIT THEIR PEOPLE 
                 IN THE LONG RUN.  IT'S CONSTRUCTIVE, IT'S REAL, 
                 IT'S SOMETHING THAT CAN BE DONE, AND POLITICS 
                 DOESN'T HAVE TO INTERFERE.  IT STILL MAY AND 
                 LIKELY WILL, BUT THIS IS A CONSTRUCTIVE DEAL 
                 THAT CAN ACTUALLY WORK.
HOST:            CLOSING THOUGHT, AMBASSADOR?
LILLEY:          LET ME JUST MAKE A POINT ON THIS CHINA-TAIWAN 
                 PROBLEM SINCE IT'S COME UP.  THERE IS AN AWFUL 
                 LOT OF RHETORIC INVOLVED.  THERE'S AN AWFUL LOT 
                 OF SMOKE.  PEOPLE HAVE NOT BEEN KILLED IN COMBAT
                 IN THE TAIWAN STRAITS SINCE AUGUST 1958, 
                 FORTY-ONE YEARS.  THIS ISN'T KOSOVO. THIS ISN'T 
                 KOREA.  THIS ISN'T KASHMIR.  SO MUCH OF THIS IS 
                 THRUST AND PARRY, BY-PLAY, THREAT, MOVEMENT OF 
                 TROOPS.  IT'S CLASSICAL CHINESE WARFARE.  THE 
                 GREATEST BATTLE IS WON WITHOUT FIRING A SHOT.  
                 AND YOU'VE WATCHED THIS.  AND ONE OF THE 
                 IMPLICATIONS IN WHAT WAS SAID IS CHOU EN-LAI 
                 SAID ABOUT THE FRENCH REVOLUTION: "IT'S STILL 
                 TOO EARLY TO TELL."  WAIT AND SEE IF THEY CANCEL
                 THE WANG DAOHAN TRIP TO TAIWAN IN 
                 SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER.  WAIT AND SEE IF THEY PULL 
                 SOME MILITARY EXERCISE IN THE STRAIT.  WE THINK 
                 THAT THE STATEMENT BY THE SPOKESMAN OF THE STATE
                 DEPARTMENT -- I THINK IT WAS FAIRLY BALANCED.  
                 HE SAID: "COOL IT!"  AS THE CHINESE SAY: [SPEAKS
                 IN CHINESE] "YOU PULL BACK, AND THE SEAS WILL 
                 OPEN AND THE SKIES WILL OPEN."  I THINK IT'S 
                 TIME FOR THAT RIGHT NOW.
HOST:            I'M AFRAID THAT'S ALL THE TIME WE HAVE THIS 
                 WEEK.  I'D LIKE TO THANK OUR GUESTS -- FORMER 
                 U.S. AMBASSADOR TO CHINA JAMES LILLEY FROM THE 
                 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE; DAVID LAMPTON 
                 FROM THE JOHNS HOPKINS SCHOOL FOR ADVANCED 
                 INTERNATIONAL STUDIES; AND STEPHEN YATES FROM 
                 THE HERITAGE FOUNDATION -- FOR JOINING ME TO 
                 DISCUSS CHINA AND U.S. POLICY.  THIS IS ROBERT 
                 REILLY FOR ON THE LINE.
15-Jul-99 1:06 PM EDT (1706 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America
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