Opening Statement by Senator Sam Brownback U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, May 13, 1998 Good Afternoon. I should begin by saying that I believe there is no way to sugarcoat this shocking event: Overnight, the U.S. relationship with India has changed, for the worse. Our Ambassador has been recalled, sanctions have been imposed, and a relationship that should have been blooming is in crisis. Monday, and now today's developments underscore what we have known all along, that our relationship with India cannot be viewed in simply economic or political terms, but must be evaluated in terms of larger regional security and nonproliferation matters. India's renewal of nuclear testing puts nuclear nonproliferation front and center as the overriding bilateral foreign policy concern between the U.S. and India today for three reasons. First no non-nuclear weapons state has overtly tested a nuclear explosive device since 1974, when India last tested. Consider also that Russia is helping India build a sea-launched ballistic missile, which will extend India's nuclear reach beyond Southeast Asia to the world. The new government of India -- a government which has been in power a mere two months -- committed to Ambassador Bill Richardson that there would be no change in India's strategic posture for the time being. India did all it could to deny the international community forewarning of these tests. At this moment, the United States has to ask itself how we can ever trust this government again. Second, India's lack of restraint is a signal to the rogues of this world that they too can flout international opinion and international norms. I commend President Clinton for his decision to sanction India under the Arms Export Control Act. I hope that during the coming days at the G-7 meeting he will be able to prevail on our allies to follow suit. The world must know that the United States and all other peaceful nations will not tolerate India's actions. Third, we must alert India's neighbors to our concerns. Neither Pakistan nor China should be provoked by India's irresponsibility. India's neighbors know the terrible consequences of any nuclear response to India's nuclear testing. Pakistan can little afford the sanctions that would be levied if they too tested a bomb. But in addition -- and I cannot emphasize this more strongly -- I believe Pakistan is a strong enough nation unto itself to avoid being sucked into an insane arms race with India. A group of historians and thinkers believes we are at a point in the cycle of history of the clash of civilizations. No longer in a bipolar world of conflict built around governmental ideologies -- that we are proceeding into a period of history of civilizations centered around different core beliefs, entering into cold or hot conflicts. Let us hope and pray and do everything we can to prevent this from being the case. To illuminate us on the consequences of the actions this week taken by the government of India we have several excellent witnesses. Assistant Secretary of State for Near East and South Asia Rick Inderfurth. He will be followed by The Honorable Jim Woolsey, former Director of Central Intelligence, the Honorable Fred Ikle, former director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and former Representative Steve Solarz, a long time India hand and once Chairman of the House Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific Affairs. Secretary Inderfurth, if you please, we will begin with you. (End text)
|
NEWSLETTER
|
| Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list |
|
|
|
