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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

Opening Statement by Senator Sam Brownback
U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Near Eastern 
and South Asian Affairs, 
May 13, 1998
Good Afternoon. I should begin by saying that I believe there is no
way to sugarcoat this shocking event: Overnight, the U.S. relationship
with India has changed, for the worse. Our Ambassador has been
recalled, sanctions have been imposed, and a relationship that should
have been blooming is in crisis.
Monday, and now today's developments underscore what we have known all
along, that our relationship with India cannot be viewed in simply
economic or political terms, but must be evaluated in terms of larger
regional security and nonproliferation matters. India's renewal of
nuclear testing puts nuclear nonproliferation front and center as the
overriding bilateral foreign policy concern between the U.S. and India
today for three reasons.
First no non-nuclear weapons state has overtly tested a nuclear
explosive device since 1974, when India last tested. Consider also
that Russia is helping India build a sea-launched ballistic missile,
which will extend India's nuclear reach beyond Southeast Asia to the
world. The new government of India -- a government which has been in
power a mere two months -- committed to Ambassador Bill Richardson
that there would be no change in India's strategic posture for the
time being. India did all it could to deny the international community
forewarning of these tests. At this moment, the United States has to
ask itself how we can ever trust this government again.
Second, India's lack of restraint is a signal to the rogues of this
world that they too can flout international opinion and international
norms. I commend President Clinton for his decision to sanction India
under the Arms Export Control Act. I hope that during the coming days
at the G-7 meeting he will be able to prevail on our allies to follow
suit. The world must know that the United States and all other
peaceful nations will not tolerate India's actions.
Third, we must alert India's neighbors to our concerns. Neither
Pakistan nor China should be provoked by India's irresponsibility.
India's neighbors know the terrible consequences of any nuclear
response to India's nuclear testing. Pakistan can little afford the
sanctions that would be levied if they too tested a bomb. But in
addition -- and I cannot emphasize this more strongly -- I believe
Pakistan is a strong enough nation unto itself to avoid being sucked
into an insane arms race with India.
A group of historians and thinkers believes we are at a point in the
cycle of history of the clash of civilizations. No longer in a bipolar
world of conflict built around governmental ideologies -- that we are
proceeding into a period of history of civilizations centered around
different core beliefs, entering into cold or hot conflicts. Let us
hope and pray and do everything we can to prevent this from being the
To illuminate us on the consequences of the actions this week taken by
the government of India we have several excellent witnesses. Assistant
Secretary of State for Near East and South Asia Rick Inderfurth. He
will be followed by The Honorable Jim Woolsey, former Director of
Central Intelligence, the Honorable Fred Ikle, former director of the
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and former Representative Steve
Solarz, a long time India hand and once Chairman of the House
Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific Affairs.
Secretary Inderfurth, if you please, we will begin with you.
(End text)

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