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Taiwan - Hakka

Taiwan's political narrative long has centered on relations between mainland Chinese who fled here with the Kuomintang (KMT) in the 1940s and the island's Hoklo majority, whose ancestors migrated from southern Fujian province generations earlier. That analysis, however, fails to account for the Hakkas, a linguistically and culturally distinctive group that first came to Taiwan from China centuries ago and now make up nearly one-fifth of the island's population.

The Hakkas have emerged as an important political force and are wooed by national and local politicians alike. Although they don't vote as a solid block, Hakkas historically have trended toward the KMT, particularly in northern Taiwan where most of them live, while being skeptical of Taiwan independence as promoted by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). They generally are comfortable with the status quo, and therefore act as an important brake against the more extreme proponents of either reunification or independence.

Other than a very small aborigine population, the people of Taiwan often are seen as falling into one of two groups. First are the Hoklo, who account for most of the island's 23 million people. Their ancestors came here centuries ago from Fujian province across the Taiwan Strait, and they continue to speak a dialect similar to that of southern Fujian. Supporters of the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party come primarily from this group. Second are the so-called "outsiders" (waishengren) from elsewhere in China who fled to Taiwan in the late 1940s with KMT Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. They generally speak Mandarin and traditionally have backed closer ties with China and, at least in theory, have not forsaken the eventual goal of reunification. Over the years the KMT has aggressively recruited the Hoklo, also called Minnanren, who hold many key positions in the party and the government.

The main problem with that dichotomous analysis is the failure to account for the Hakka population, whose ancestors fled to Taiwan and other relatively safe havens around the world during times of chaos within mainland China, such as the 17th Century overthrow of the Ming dynasty. "We're the Jews of the Chinese," proclaimed Liu Tung-Lung, Deputy Minister of the Executive Yuan Council for Hakka Affairs. According to the council, the Hakka account for roughly 4.3 million people on Taiwan, or about 19% of the population. The Council's main task is to promote the use of the Hakka language, which is spoken by about 2.8 million people here, and other aspects of Hakka culture. The most hallowed ground for Taiwan's Hakka is the sprawling Yimin Temple just outside Hsinchu City. The temple marks the burial spot of some 200 Hakka heroes who were killed fighting a rebel army of Hoklo at the end of the 18th century. Emperor Qianlong sent a plaque in his own calligraphy honoring the loyalty of the defenders, a replica of which has pride of place in the temple's main hall. More than 500,000 people visit annually during the peak Chinese New Year season. The crowds include top leaders, and the temple walls are adorned with photos of visits by former Presidents Lee Teng-hui of the KMT and Chen Shui-bian of the DPP. President Ma Ying-jeou made the pilgrimage as well. They come to attract votes.

While wooing Hakkas is a fixture for presidential races, it's even more important for local races in predominately Hakka areas. In Hsinchu County, for example, more than two-thirds the population is Hakka. Both the DPP and KMT candidates for Hsinchu County magistrate in 2009 were Hakka; an independent candidate who broke away from the KMT was not, but she stressed the fact that her husband and her most important supporter, the outgoing Hsinchu magistrate, both were. The KMT candidate, Chiu Ching-chun, in particular made his connections to Hakka communities around the world an important campaign issue.

Hakkas tended to vote for the KMT for a variety of reasons. The KMT always had taken care of the Hakkas. Hakkas didn't support the KMT as much as they liked Sun Yat-sen, the father of modern China whose portrait graces Taiwan currency. Hakkas typically were a minority population and therefore remained loyal to their rulers, which for most of the past-half century have been the KMT on Taiwan, as their protectors. Hakka typically were more comfortable with the KMT's goal of strengthening relations with mainland China than with the DPP's pro-independence policy. One reason is that familial ties continued to link Hakkas on Taiwan with the mainland. Some Hakka here still sent money back to relatives on the mainland; in return, they received peanuts and other local products. Lineage halls where Hakka pay respect to their mainland ancestors remain common in some Taiwan villages. Meanwhile, many Hakka are uncomfortable whenever the Taiwan independence movement is closely identified with the Hoklo and their language, as has often been the case.

Still, the DPP has made some inroads among the Hakka. Perhaps 30 percent of Hakkas supported the DPP, up from 10 percent in the past, although this did not necessarily translate into backing for independence. One reason for the increased support was a number of actions taken by former President Chen Shui-bian to promote Hakka culture. During Chen's administration, the first Hakka television station went on the air and the Council for Hakka Affairs was established, as was the College of Hakka Studies. The DPP in general fares better in southern Taiwan, and the minority of Hakka who live there tend to be more supportive of the opposition party as well. For all the efforts to strengthen Hakka identity, no serious Hakka-based political movement has emerged.

The KMT and DPP assiduously woo Hakka voters, who tend to identify with the more moderate factions of the two major parties. Hakkas typically neither aggressively advocate reunification with China nor do they aggressively support Taiwan independence. Instead, they reflect mainstream public opinion by favoring the status quo in which Taiwan maintains its de facto autonomy without formally declaring independence. In so doing, they represent a key stabilizing force in Taiwan politics.